Indian paleography

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CENTRAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL

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Catt No.4

D.G A a 7o. i

Ucrioe of Archaeology.
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY

G. BUHLER

Published by
Indian Studies: Past & Present
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EDITOR'S NOTE

With all the later researches in the subject, Biibler's Indian
Paleography retains and will alway8 retain the value of a classic.
Tt has, however, been a misfortune of the students and scholars that
the English version of the text, which Bahler himself took suca care
to prepare, has nob so far been available in book-form along with
the portfolio of the plates and transliteration tables, so much in-
dispansable for the text. The only occSsion on which this English
version had previously been printed wa in the form of an Appendix
to Indian Antiquary, 1904. But if was only the text without
the plates and tables. Besides, the copies of the Indian Antiquary
have become quite rare. | q ,

We have recently started a quarterly journal, called Indian
Studies: Past & Present, with the primary object of reprinting
those monumental contributions to Indian studies the copies of which
have become extremely rare. We considered it fit to reprint Bibler’s
Indian Paleography in the first issue of our journal. Unfortunately,
however, the plates and the tables could not be reproduced there
because of the obvious financial confiderations : the selling price of
the journal had to be kept within the purchasing power of our
students. But we went on working on the production of the port-
folio and we have at last succeeded in bringing out the book in its
proper book-form, And we have the satisfaction of publishing for
the first time the complete English version of Riihler’s Indian
Paleography along with the reproduction of the plates and tables.
A limited number of extra-copies of the platea and tables are also
printed so that the purchasers of the journal can buy these separately.

We are grateful to the authorities of the Asiatic Society.
Bengal, who provided us with a Spy of the text and lent us
the origical portfolio of the German edition for the purpose of re-
producing the plates and tables.

Sri Haridas Sinharay and Srimati Alaka Chattopsdh yaya
have helped us labouriously in the m4tter of proof-reading. We are
algo grateful to Sri §, Chaudhury, librarian of the Asiatic Society,
for helping us in various ways.

Calcutta Debiprasad Chattopadhyaya
19. 11. 59. for Indian Studies : Past & Present

CONTENTS

Georg Bihler by F. Max Miller—1
Introduetory Note by J. F. Fleat—9

INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY—15

I—THE ANTIQUITY OF WRITING IN INDIA AND
‘HE ORIGIN OF THE OLDEST INDIAN ALPHABET—15
$1, The Indian tradition—15.
89, Literary evidence for the use of Writing —17
A. Brahmanioal Literatore—17
B. Buddhistic Literature—19
GO. Foreign Works— 20
$3. Paleographic evidence— 20
84. The Origin of the Brihma Alphabet — 24
A. Borrowed signs—27
- B. Derivative Consonants and Initial Vowels—29
CG. Medial Vowels and Absence of Vowel in Ligatures— 39
(1) The system of the Brabmi—30
(2) The system of the Drividi-—3l
&5, ‘The Time and the Manner of tha Borrowing of the Semitic Alphabet—dl

II—THE KHAROSTHI SCRIPT— 34

86. How it was deciphered — 34
87,. Use and characteristics 34
§3. Origin—35
S9, Details of the Derivation 37
A. Borrowed Signs—37'
B. Derivative signs—40
$10. The Varieties of the Kharosthi of Plate I—41
811, The Archaic Variety —42 -
A. "The Radical Signs— 42
B. Medial Vowels and Anuavira— 43
C. Ligatures—43
S19, Changes in the later varieties— $4
A. The radical signs— 44
B. Medial vowels and Anusvira — 46
CG. Ligatures— 46

[ vi ]

III—THE ANCIENT BRAHMI AND DRAVIDI FROM
ABOUT B.C. 850 TO ABOUT A. D. 350—47

S513. How it was deciphered — 47
§14. Common characteristics of the ancient inscriptions —47
$815. The varieties of the Brahmi and Driavidi in Plates II & ITT—49
816. The older Maurya alphabet : Plate II—50
A. Geographical extensions and duration of use—50
B. Local varieties—51
O. The radical signs or Matykis—52
D. Medial vowels and Anusvira—55
E. Ligatures— 56
/ $17. The Drividi of Bhattiproin : Plate I1—56
* §18. ‘The last four alphabets of Plate II—57
$19. The precursors of the northern alphabets—5S
~ A. The alphabet of the Northern Ksatrapas: Plate III—58
B. The alphabet of the Ku$ina inscriptions : Plate II1—59 -
220. The precursors of the southern alphabete—60
A. The alphabet of the Ksatrapas of Malva and Gujariit: Plate IlI-—60
B. The alphabets of tha cave-inscriptions of the western
Dekban and the Konkan: Plate ITT—61
The alphabet of the ‘Jaggayyapeta inscriptions: Plate IIT—63
The alphabet of the Pallava Prikrt land-grants : Plate III—63

ee

IV—THE NORTHERN ALPHABETS FROM ABOUT A. D, 3850—63

§91. Definition and varieties — 63 | ; | ;
$99. The so-called Gupta alphabet of the 4th and 5th eanturies A.D. : Plate IV-65
A. YVarieties— 66
B. Characteristics of the epigraphic Gupta alphabet— 66
C. The Gupta alphabet in manuscripts—67
899. The acute-angled and Nagari types - Plates IV, V, VI—68 :
§94. Details of the changes in the acute-angled and the Nigari alphabets—71
A. The Mattkis—71
B. Medial vowels and so forth- 75
C. The ligatures—75
$95, The Sarada alphabet : Plates V and VI—76 |
896. Eastern varieties of the Nazari alphabet and the arrow-head seript—T7
A. Proto-Bengali: Plates V and VI—77 |
B. The Nepalese hooked-characters : Plate VI—T9
CO. The arrow-head alphabet : Plate VI—79

C vii ]
V—THE SOUTHERN ALPHABETS—go

$27. Definition and varieties—S0 “
$28. The western soript and the seript of Osntral India: Plates VII & VIII—8]
A. The western ecript-—§]
B. The script of Gantral India—83
529. The Kanarese and Telugu alphabet : Plates VII and VITI—s4
A. The archaic variety—B84
B. The middle variety—86G
O. The Old-Kanarese al phabet—S87
§30. The later Kalinga eeript : Plates VII and VITI—ss
$31. The Grantha alphabet : Plates VII and VITI—s9
A. The archaic variety —89
B. The middle variaty—go0
C. The Transitional Grantha—99
$32. The Tamil and Vatteluttu alphabets: Plate VIII—93
A. The Tamil—93
B. The Vatteluttu—9o5

VI—NUMERAL NOTATION —96

333. The numerals of the Kharosthi: Plate I~96
$34. The numerals of the Brahmi: Plate IX—97

A. The ancient letter-numerals—97

B. The decimal notation—102
335. Numeral notation by words and letters—103

A. The word-numerals—1(3

B. Numeral notation by letters—108

VII—THE EXTERNAL ARRANGEMENT OF
INSORIPTIONS AND MANUSCRIPTS — 107

$36. The lines, grouping of words. interpunctuation and other detaila—107
1. The lines—107

The grouping of words—107
Interpunctuation—108 t
Mangalas and ornamentation—109 | |
Corrections, ommissions and abbreviations—l10

Pagination—1!1

Seala—111

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[ viii ]

VIII—WRITING MATERIALS, LIBRARIES AND WRITERS—1i2

§37. nome Materials—112 (

A. Birch-bark—112
B, Ootton cloth—112

OC. Wooden boards—113 ;
D, Leaves—113 ie

E. Animal substances—114 er =
F. Metals—115 — =

G. 6 sees

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§38. The oar. of Manuscrints and copper- pints: nit the Teatment of
letters—115 ‘. =
Fil A. Manusoripts and Ii I

$39,

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Footnotes—194— —“—"__— a my
Fleet's remarks on WS text & notes 139 - j te

\ > Bibliography ef Bithler’s Works—141

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GEORG BUHLER—1837-98.
F. MAX-MULLER .

Tt is not often that the death of a scholar startles and grievea his fellow-workers as the
death of my old friend, Dr. Bubler, has startled and grieved us all, whether_in Germany,
England, France, or India. Sanskrit scholarship has indead heen unfortunate: ib has often
lost young and most promising scholars in the very midst of their career: and though
Dr. Buhler was sixty-one years of age when he died, he wag still ao young and vigorous in
body and mind that he made us forget his age, holding his place valiantly among the «pOpXol
of the small army of genuine Indian students, and confidently looking forward to many victories
and conquests that were still in store for him. By many of us he was considered almost
indispensable for the successful progress of Sanskrit scholarship—but who is indispensable in
this world ?—and great hopes were centred on him as likely to spread new light on some
of the darkest corners-im the history of Sanskrit literature.

On the 8th of April last, whila enjoying alone in a emall boat o beautiful evening on
the Lake of Constance, he seems to hava lost an oar, and in trying to recover it, to have
overbalanced himself. As we think of the cold waves closing over our dear friend, we feel
stunned and speechless before so great and cruel a calamity. It seems to disturb the regular
and harmonious working of the world in which we live, and which each man arranges
for himself and interprets in his own way. It makes ua foel the littleness and uncertainty
ef all our earthly plans, however important and safe they may seem in our own eyes.
He who for so many years was the very life of Sanskrit scholarship, who helped us, guided us,
corrected us in our different researches, is gone; and yet we must gO on as well as we can,
and try to honour his memory in the best way in which it may be honoured—not by idle tears,
but by honest work.

Non hoe praecipuum amicorum munus est, prosequi defunctum ignavo questu, sed quae
voluerit meminisse, quae mandaverit exsequi.

A scholar's life is best written in his own hooks ; and though I have promised to write
a biographical notice for the Journal of the Royal Asiatie Society. in which he took so warm
and active an interest, I have to confess that of the personal ciroumstances of my old friend,
Dr. Biihler, I have but little to say. What I know of him are his books and pamphlets ag
they came out in rapid succession, and were alwaya sent to me by their author. Our long and
never-interrupted friendship was chiefly literary, and for many years had to be carried on by
correspondence only, He was aman who, when once one knew him, was always the same.
He had his heart in the right place, and there was no mistaking his words. He never spoke
differently to different people, for, like a brave and honest man, he had the courage of his
opinions. He thought what he said, he never thought what he ought to say. He belonged to
no clique, he did not even try to found what is called a school. He had many pupils, followers,

|

9

and admirers, but they knew but too well that though he praised tham and helped them on
whenever he could, he detested nothing more than to be praiged by his pupils in return, It was
another charming feature of his character that he never forgot any kindness, however small,
which one had rendered him. He was krtajiia in the real sense of the word. I had been able,
at the very beginning of his career, to render him a small sarvice by obtaining for him an
appointment in India. He never forgot it,and whenever there was an opportunity he proved
his sincere attachment to me by ever so many small, but not therefore less valuable, acts of
kindness. We always exchanged our books and our views on every subject that occupied our
interest in Sanskrit scholarship, and though wa somotimes differed, we always kept in touch.
We agreed thoroughly on one point—that it did not matter who waa right, but only what was
right. Most of the work that had to ba done by Sanskrit scholara in the past, and will have
to be done for some time to come, is necessarily pioneer work, and pioneers must hold together
even though they are separated at times while reconnoitring in different directions. Biihler
could hold his own with great pertinacity ; but he never forgot that in the progresa of
knowledge the left foot is as essential as the right. No one, however, was more willing to
confess a mistake than he was when he saw that he had been in the wrong. He was, in fact,
one of the few scholars with whom it wasa real pleasure to differ, because he was always
straightforwa-d, and because there was nothing mean or selfish in him, whether he defended
the Pilrva-paksa, the Uttara-pakga, or the Siddhinta,

Of the circumstances of his life, all 1 know is that he was the son of a clorgyman, that
he was born at Borstel, 19th July, 1937, near Nienburg in the then kingdom of Hanover,
that he frequented the public schoolat Hanover, and in 1855 went to the University of
Gottingen. The professors who chiefly taught and influenced him there were Sauppe, E.
Curtinug, Ewald, and Benfey, For the last he felt a well-desarved and almost onthusiastic
admiration. He was no doubt Benfey's greatest pupil, and we can best undoerstacd his own
work if wa remember in what schoo] he was brought up. Alter taking his degree in 1858 he
went to Paris, London, and Osford, in order to copy and collate Sanskrit and chiefly Vedic
MSS. It wasin London and Oxford that our acquaintance, and very soon our friendship,
began, I quickly recognised in him the worthy pupil of Benfey. He had learnt how to
distinguish between what wag truly important in Sanskrit literature and what was nob, and
from an early time had fixed his attention chiefly on its historical aspects. It was the fashion
for a time to imagine that if one had learnt Sanskrit grammar, and waa able to construe a
few texts that had heen published and translated before, one was a Sanskrit scholar. Bithler
looked upon this kind of scholarship as good enough for the vulgus profanum, bub no one
was a real scholar in bis eyes who could not stand on his own feet, and fight his own way
through new texts and commentaries, who could not publish what had mct been published
before, who could not translate what had not been translated before. Mistakes were, of
course, unavoidable in this kind of pioneering work, or what is called original research, bub
such mistakes are no disgrace to a scholar, but rather an honour, Where should we be but
for the mistakes of Bopp and Burnouf, of Champollion and Talbot ?

Though Eiibler had learnt from Benfy the importance of Vedic studies as the true
foundation of Sanskrit scholarship, and had devoted much time to this branch of learning,

3
he did not publish much of the results of his own Vedic researches. His paper on Parjanya,
however, published in 1862 in Benfey’s Orient und Occident, vol. I, p. 214, showed that he
could not only decipher the ald Vedic texts, but that he had thoroughly mastered the
principles of Comparativa Mythology, a new science which owed its very existance to the
discovery of the Vedie Hymns, and was not very popular at the time with those who
disliked the trouble of studying a new language. He wished to prove what Grimm had suspected,
that Parjanya, Lith.—Perkunas, Celt—Perkons, Slav—Perun, was one of the deities wor-
shipped by the ancestors of the whole Aryan race, and in spite of the usual {rays and
bickerings, the main point of his argument hag never been shaken. I saw much of him ab
that time, we often worked together, and the index to my History of Ancient Sanskrit
Literature was chiefly bis work. The most important lesson which he had learnt from
Benfey showed itself in the quickness with which he always seized on whatever was really
important in the history of the literature of India. He did not write simply in order to show
what he could do, but always in order to forward our knowledge of ancient India, This
explains why, like Benfey’s books, Biihler’s own publications, even his smallest essays, are
as uselul today as they were when first published. Denfey's edition of the Indian fables
of the Paficatantra produced a real revolution at the time of its publications. It opened
our eyes to a fact hardly suspected before, how important a part in Sanskrit literature
bad been acted by Buddhist writers. We learnt in fact that the distinction between the
works of Brabmanic and Buddhist authors had been far too sharply drawn, and that in
their literary pursuits their relation had been for a long time that of friendly rivalry rather
than of hostile opposition. Benfey showed that thesa Sanskrit fables of India had come
to ua through Buddhist handa, and had travelled from India atep by step, station by station,
through Pablavi, Persian, Arabic, Hebrew, Latin, and the modern languages of Europe, till
they supplied even Lafontaine with some of his most charming Fabli aux. Benfey was in
many respects thea true successor of Lassen in calling the attention of Sanskrit scholara
to what are called in German the Realia of Sanskrit scholarship. He was bold enough to
publish the text ond translation of the Simaveda, and the glossary appended to this
edition marked the first determined advance into the dark regions of Vedic thought. Though
some of his interpretations may now ba antiqtated he did as much as was possible at the
time, and nothing is more painful than ta sea scholars of o later generation speak slightingly
ofa man who was a giant before they were born. Benfey's various Sanskrit grammars,
founded as they are on the great classical grammar of Panini, hold their own to the
present day, and are indispensable to every careful student of Pinini, while his History of
Sanskrit Philology is a real masterpiece, and remaing still the only work in which that
important chapter of mcdern scholarship can be safely studied.

Bihler was imbued with the same spirit that had guided Benfey, and everyone of his
early contributions to Benfey's Orient und Occident touched upon some really important
question, even though he may not always have settled it, In his article on 6s, for
instanea (“O. u. O,” vol. I, p. 508), which was evidently written under the influence of
Curtius’ recent warning that Oed3 could not be equated with devs and Skt. deva without
admitting n phonetic anomaly, he suggested that 63 as well as the Old Norse diar,

4

‘gods’, might be derived from a root dhi, ‘to think, to ba wise.’ Olten as wo discussed their
etymology together—and it was more than a mere etymology, because on it depended the
question whether the oldest Aryan name of the gods in general was derived from the bright
powers of nature or from the abstract idea of divine wisdom—he could mever perstiade
me that these two branches of the Aryan race, the Greek and the Scandinavian, should
have derived the general name for their gods from a root different from that which
the other branches had used, viz., div, ‘to be brilliant’, and from which they had formed
the most important cluster of mythological names, such as Zeus, Jovis, Diespiter, Dia,
Diana, etc. I preferred to admit 4 phonetic rather than a mythological anomaly. If I
could not persuade him he could not persuade me, et adhuc sub jadice lis est !

Several more etymologies from his pen followed in the same Journal, all connected with
some points of general intereat, all ingenious, even if not always convincing. In all these
discussions he showed himself free from all prejudices, and much as he admired his
teacher, professor Benfey, he freely expressed his divergence from him when necessary,
though always in that respectful fone which a Sisya would have observed in ancient
India when differing from his guru.

While he was in Oxford, he frequently expressed to me his great wish to gat an
appointment in India, I wrote at his desire to the late Mr. Howard, who waa then
Director of Public Instruction in Bombay, and to my great joy got the promise of an
appointment for Bibler. But, unfortunately, when he arrived at Bombay, there was no
vacancy, Mr. Howard was absent, and for a time Biuhler’s position was extremely painful.
But he was not to be disheartened. He soon made the acquaintance of another friend
of mine at Bombay, Sir Alexander Grant, and obtained through him the very position for
which he had been longing. In 1865 he began his lectures at the Elphingtone College,
and proved himself most successful as a lecturer and a teacher. His power of work
was great, even in the enervating climate of India, and there always is work to doin
India for people who are willing to do work. He soon made the acquaintance of influ-
ential men, and he was chosen by Mr. (now Sir) Raymond West to oo-operate with
him in producing their famous Digest cf Hindu Laws. He supplied the Sanskrit, Sir
Raymond West the legal materials, and-tha work, first published in 1867, 1s still consi-
dered the highest authority on the subjects of the Hindu Laws of Inheritance and
Partition. But Bibler's interest went deeper. He agreed with me that the matrical
Law-books of Ancient Indin were preceded by legal Siltras belonging to what I called
the Sttra-period. These Siitras may really be ascribed to the end of the Vedio period, and
in their earliest form may have been anterior to the Indo-Scythian conquest of the
country, though the fixing of real dates at that period is well-nigh an impossibility.
When at a much later time I conferred with him on the plan of publishing series
of translations of the Sacred Books of the Hast, he was ready and prepared to under-
take the translation of these Stitras, so far as they had bean preserved in in MSS..
Some of these MSS., the importance of which I had pointed out as early as 1859 in
my History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, I handed over to him; others he had
collected bimeclf while in India. The two yolumes in which his translation of the legal

5

Sitras of Apastamba, Gautama, Vasistha, and Baudbiyana aro contained, have been
amongst the most popular of the series, and I hopa I shall be able to publish a new
edition of them with notes prepared by him for that purpose. In 1885 followed his
translation of the Laws of Manu, which, if he had followed the example of others, be
might well have called his own, but which he gave as founded on that of Sir William Jones,
carefully revised and corrected with the help of seven native commentaries. These were
substantial works, sufficient to establish the reputation of any scholar, but with him they
were by-work only, undertaken in order to oblige a friend and fallow-worker. These
translations kept us in frequent correspondence, in which more than one important ques-
tion came to be discussed. One of them was the question of what caused the gap between
the Vedic period, of which these Stitras may ba considered as the latest outcome, and the
period of that ornate metrical literature which, in my lectures on India delivered at
Cambridge in 1884, I had ventured to treat as the period of the Renaissance of Sanskrit
literature, subsequent to the invasion and occupation of India by Indo-Scythian or Turavian
tribes.

It was necessary to prove this once for all, for there were scholars who went on
claiming for the author cf the Laws of Manu, nay, for Kalidiisa and his contemporaries, &
date before the beginning of our era. What I wanted to prove was, that nothing of what
we actually possessed of that ornate (alamkira) metrical literature, nor anything written
in the continuous loka, could possibly be assigned to a time previous to the Indo-Scythian
invasion. The chronological limits which I suggssted for this interregoum were from 100 BO.
to 300 A.D These limits may seem too narrow on either side to some scholara, but I
believe I am not overstating my case if I say that ab present it is generally admitted that
what we call the Laws of Manu sre subsequent tot he Samay’-Kiarika or Dharma-siitra,
and that Kalidiisa’s postical activity belong to the sixth, nay, if Professor Kielhorn is right,
even to the end of the fifth century A. D., and that all other Sanskrit poems which we
possess aro still later. Bithler’s brilliant discovery consisted in proving, not that any of
the literary works which we possess could be referred to a pre-Gupta date. bat that specimens
of ornate poetry occurred again and again in pre-Gupta inscriptions, and, what is even more
important, that the peculiar character of those monumental poema presupposed on the part
of their poeta, provincial or otherwise, an acquaintance, if not with the Alamkira siltras
which we possess, at all events with some of their prominent rules. In this way the
absence or non-preservation of all greater literary compositions that could be claimed for
the period from B. 0,100 to 300 A. D. became even more strongly accentuated by Bihbler’s
discoveries. It might be said, of course, that India is a large country, and that literature
might have been absent in one part of the Indian Peninsula and yet flourishing in another ;
just as even in the small Peninsula of Greece, literary, culture bad its heyday at Athens
while it was withering away in Lacedaemon. But literature, particularly poetry, can never
be quite annihilated. Nor is this the question. The question is, why was it preserved, after
the rise of the national Gupta dynasty, in the only ways in which at that time it could
ba preserved in India, either by memory or by the multiplication of copies, chiefly in Royal
libraries under the patronage of Rajis, whether of Indian or alien origin—and

why is there at present, as far as manuscripts are concerned, an almost complete
literary blank from the end of the Vedie literatura to the beginning of the fourth
oentury A. D7?

The important fact which is admitted by Biibler, as well as by myself, is this—that
whatever literary compositions may have existed before $00 A. D., in poetry or even in
prose, nothing remains of them at present, and that there must surely be a reagon for it.
Here it was Bibler who, in the Transactions of the Vienna Academy, 1890, came to my
help, drawing our attention to the important fact that among certain recently published
ancient inscriptions, eighteen of which are dateable, two only can with any probability be
proved to be anterior to what I called the four blank centuries between 100 B.C. to 300 A.D.
(See India, p. 958.) There occur verses which prove quite clearly that the ornate style
of Sanskrit postry was by no means unknown in earlier times. The as yet undeveloped germs
of that ornate poetry may even go back much further, and may be traced in portions of
the Brihmanas and in some Buddhistic writings : but their full development at the time of
these Sanskrit inscriptions was clearly established for the first time by Babler's valuable
remarks. So far we were quite agreed, nor do I know of any arguments that have been
advanced against Biibler's historical views. There may be difference of opinion as to the
exact dates of the Sanskrit Girnar inscription of Rudradiman and the Prakrt Nasik
inscription of Pulumiiyi, but they contain sufficient indications that an ornate, though perhaps
less elaborate style of poetry, not far removed from the epic style, + adios ia Sak
during the second century A.D. All the evidence accessible on that point has been care-
fully collected by my friend, and reflects the greatest honour on his familiarity with the
Sanskrit Alamkira poetry. But the fact remains all the same that i Es Lone
of that poetry before 300 A. D.; and that of what we possess of Sanskrit Kivya literature,
nothing, can for tho present be traced back much beyond 500 A.D. Wa must hope that the
time may soon come when the original component parts of the ancient epic poetry, nay,
even the philosophical Darsanas, may be traced back with certainty to times before the Indo-
Seythian Invasion. It is well known that the Mahibhirata and the Purinas are mentioned
by name during the Siitra period, and we cannot be far wrong in supposing that something
like what we posses now of these works may bave existed then, Bihler was full of hope
that it might be possible to fix some of the dates of thesa popular works at a much earlier
time than is assigned to them by most scholars. I was delighted to see him boldly claim
for the Veda also 4 greater antiquity than I bad as yet ventured to suggest for it, and it
seemed to me that our two theories could stand so well side by sida ‘habit wae hoas
that I should be able to bring out, with bis co-operation, a new and much eghercacaee
of my chapter on the Renaissance of Sanskrit Literature. I doubt whether I shall be ablo
to do this now without bis help, The solution of many of the historical and chronological
questions also, which remain still unanswered, will no doubt be delayed by the sudden death
of the scholar who took them most to heart, but it is not likely to be forgotten again among
the problems which our younger Sanskrit scholars have to deal with, if they wish truly to
honour the memory and follow in the footsteps of one of the greatest and most useful Sanskrit
echolars of our days.

7

These chronological questions were, of course, intimately connected with the
date of the Sanskrit alphabets and the introduction of writing into India, which
produced a written, in place of the ancient purely mnemonic literature of the century. There,
too, we had a common interest, and I gladly handed over to him, for his own purposes,
a MS. sent to me from Japan that turned out to be the oldest Sanskrit MS. then known
to exist, that of tha Prajitiparamitai-hrdaya-siltra. It had been preserved on two palm-
leaves in the Monastery of Horiuzi, in Japan, since 609 A. D., and, of course, went back
toa much earlier time, as the leaves seem to have travelled from India through China,
before they reached Japan. Bihler sent me along paper of paleograpbical remarks on this
Horinzi palm-leaf MS. which form a most valuable Appendix to my edition of it. Thus we
remained always united by our work andI had the great satisfaction of being able to send
him the copy of ASvaghosa's Buddha-carita, which my Japanese pupils had copied for me
at Paris, and which, whether Asvagho$a’s date is referred to the first or the fifth century A.D.,
when it was translated into Chinese, represents as yeb the only complate spacimen of that
ornate scholastic work which, as ha had proved from numerous inscriptions, musi have existed
previous to the Renaissance. Thus our common work want on, if not always on the
same plan, atall events on the same ground. We never lost touch wlth each other, and
Were never brought nearer together than when for a time we differed on certain moot points.

IT. have here dwelt on the moat important works only which are characteriatic of the
man, and which will for ever mark the place of Bibler in the history of Sanskrit scholarship.
But there are many other important services which ho rendered to us while in India. Not
only was he always to help us in getting MSS. from India, but our knowledge of a large
number of Sanskrit works, as yet unknown, was due to his Reports on expeditions undertaken
by him for tha Indian Government in search for MSS. This idea of cataloguing the literary
treasures of India, firat started by Mr. Whitley Stokes, has proved a great success, and no
one was more successful in these researches than Bihbler. And while be looked out everywhere
for important MSS. his eyes were always open for ancient inscriptions also. Many of them
he published and translated for the firat time, and our oldest inscriptions, those of Asoka, in
the third ventury B.C., owa to himand M. Senart their first scholarlike treatment. This
is not meant to detract in any way from the credit due to the firat brilliant decipherars of
these texts, such as Prinaep, Lassen, Burnouf, and others. Bithler was most anxious to trace
the alphabets used in these inscriptions back toa higher antiquity than is generally assigned
to them; for the present, at least, we cannot well go beyond the fact that no dateable
inscription has been found in India before the time of ASoka. It is quite true that such an
innovation ag the introduction of alphabetic writing does not take place of a sudden, and
tentative specimens of it from an earlier time may well be discovered yet, if these researches
are carried on as he wished them to be carried on, ina truly systematic manner, In this
field of research Biibler will be most missed, for though absent from India he had many
friends there, particularly in the Government, who would gladly have listened to hia
suggestions. One may regret his departure from a country where his gervices Were 80
valuable and so much appreciated. I have not dwelt at all in thig place on the valuable
services which he rendered as inspector of schools and examiner, but I may state that J

received geveral times the thanks of the Governor of the Bombay Presidency, the Jate Sir
Bartle Frere, for having sent out auch excellent scholara aa Bibler and others. Unfortunately
his health made it imperative for him to return to his own country, bub he was soon so much
restored under a German sky that he seemed to begin a new life as Professor at Vienna.
If he could not discover new MSS. thera, he could digest the materials which be had collected,
and he did so with unflagging industry. Nay, in addition to all bis own work, be undertook
to superintend and edit an Encyclopaedia of Indo-Aryan Philology which was to be a resume
up to date of oll that was known of the languages, dialects, grammars, dictionaries, and
the ancient alphabets of India; which was to give an account of Indian literature, history,
geography, ethnography, jurisprudence; and finally, to present o picture of Indian religion,
mythology, philosophy, astronomy, mathematics, and music, so far as they are known at
present. Noone knows what an amount of clerical workand what a loss of time such a
superintendence involves for a scholar who has hia hands full of his own work, how much
reading of manuacripts, how much letter-writing, how much protracted and often disagreeable
digcuesion it entails, But Buhler, with rare self-denial, did mot shrink from this drudgary,
and his work will certainly prove extremely usefal to all futura Indo-Aryan students. One
thing only one may regret—that the limits of each contribution are so narrow, and that several
of the contributors had no time to give us much mora of their own original work. But this
is a defect inherent in all encyclopaediags or manuals, unless they are to grow into a forest
of yolumes like the Allgemeine Encyclopaedia der Wissenschaften und Kunate by Ersch,
begun in 1831 and as yet far from being finished. Under Bihler’s guidance we might have
expected the completion of his Encylopaedia within a reasonable time, and Iam glad to hear
that his arrangements were so far advanced that other hands will now be easily able to finish
it, and that it may remain like Lassen’s Altertumskunde, 1847-1861, a lasting monument of
the lifelong labours of one of the most learned, the most high-minded and large-hearted
among the Oriental scholars whom it has been my good fortune to know in the course of my
long life.

Reprinted from tha
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (London) F. M. M.
1898, 695-707.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE ON BUHLER’S INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY
BY
J. F, FLEET

Professor Biihler's Indische Palaeographie, consisting of 96 pages of letter-press,
with a portfolio of 9 plates of alphabetical charactera and numerale and § tables of
explanatory transliteration of them, was published in 1896 as part Il of Vol. Tof Dr. Karl
J. Triibner’s “Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde,” or “Eneyelo-
paedia of Indo-Aryan Research,” which was planned and started by Professor Eiihler himself,
and was superintended by him up to the time of his death, in April, 1895.

There was always tha intention of issuing the letter-presa of the work in English
also. The English version was made by Professor Bihler. And his manuscript of it
waa on its way to the Presa, at the time of his death. Steps were taken towards having if
printed and published under the direction of Professor Kielhorn, who succeeded to the
editorial mansgement of the Grundriss. At that time, however, owing partly to the great
interruption of business in India caused by the plague, partly to the manner in which the
manuscript was written, and partly to natural difficulty in the way of doing what had been
contemplated, namely, of issuing the English version in such a form as to resemble the
German original exactly in type and in arrangement page by page, the preparation for
publication could not be taken far, and eventually had to be abandoned.

Feeling, myself, the want of the English version, and knowing that there must he
others placed in the same position, in 1902 I made some inquiries and proposals about if.
The result, with the consent and help of Professor Kielhorn, was a generous public-apirited
response by Dr. Triibner, who, after consultation with Mrs. Bihbler, agreed to transfer the
copyright of the English version on practically nominal terms, subject to certain conditiong
as to the method of publication. Dr. Triibner’s terms and conditions wera accepted ina
similar spirit by Colonel Sir Richard Temple, the proprictor of the Indian Ant:quary.
And thus it came to me to take the work through the Press, and to arrange the issue of 16
in its present form as an Appendix to the Indian Antiquary Vol. X XXIII, 1904.

As far as the commencement of the second paragraph of $16, A, on page 33, the English
version has been produced from an advanced proof of 1900, prepared in the clroumstances
indicated in paragraph 2 above, and revised by Professor Kielhorn. From that point
onwards, it has been done from Professor Bihler'’s manuseript, written by himself. In
order, however, to set the printers fairly at work, it was necessary, because of the very
numerous and sometimes rather perplexing abbreviations to which Professor Buhler had
had recourse, to furnish them with a fair copy. The copy was, af course, closely compared by
me with the original manuscript. And it ia hoped that no mistakes have been introduced,
in interpreting any of the abbreviations in passages which are not in the German original.

Z|

4 ’

10

A perusal of a very few pages of the English work, thus issued, will suffice to show
that it is not altogether a literal rendering of the German original. It is, therefore, sent
forth as an English version, not as an actual translation. At the same time, the English
version does not in any way supersede the German original. In tha first place, as the stones
were not preserved, it has not been practicable to issue with the English version the plates
and tables which form so important a part of the whole work ; however, there is available,
for separate purchase, a limited number of copies of the plates and tables, printed off in
excess of the number required for issue with the German original. In the second place, in
writing his English version, Professor: Bibler made here and there certain deviations,
sometimes by insertion, sometimes by omission, from the German original. But these
deviations, made chiefly in connection with the second edition, published in 1598, of his
Indian Siudies No. IIL on Tha Origin of the Indian Brahma Alphabet, are in points of
detail, and do not inany way amount to a revised edition of his Indische Palaeographie*.
The German original is still the text-book, ss much as is the English version. The latter
is for the benefit of those, interested in any way whatsoever in their subject, who are not
able to utilise the German text. ‘

This work of Professor Biihler has brought to a climax, for the present, the paleo-
graphic line of Indian research. And it would be impossible to speak in too high terms of
the manner in which he has handled the eubject, and of the value of the results which he
has placed before us. Inthe paleographic line, however, ag also in the historical line, on
which it is largely dependent, and, in fact, in every lina of Indian research, we are steadily
accumulating more facta and better materials, and making substantial progress, every year.
I venture, therefore, to draw attention to a few details, which already might now be
treated, or at least considered, from other points of view.

A notable point, regarding which I differ from the opinions of Professor Bihler as
expressed in this work, is that of both the relative order and also the actual dates of the
varieties of the Kharosthi alphabet, indicated on Page 25 under $10, (3) and (4), which are
found in the epigraphic records and on the coins of—(following the order in which, in my
opinion, they should properly be placed)—Kaniske, and Huviska, Sudasa~Sodiisa and Patika,
and Gondophernés, Kaniska certainly founded the Milava-Vikrama era, commencing B. 0, 58,
And in that era there are certainly dated, in addition to records of the times of him and
his direct successors, tho dated records of the times of Sudasa-Sodisa, Patika, and
Gondophernés, and of Visudéva, who was a contemporary of Gondophernis*.

A similar remark applies to the order and dates of the varieties of the Brihma
or Bribmi alphabet, indicated on Page 82, under $15, (8), (9), from records of the times of
Kaniska, Huvigka, Sudasa-Sodiisa, and Viisudéva.

As regards the nomenclature of those same varieties of the Kharosthi alphabet,
it ia now certain that it is erroneous to describe one of them, mentioned there and discussed
on Page 27f., a9 a Saka variety. Sudasa-Sodisa and Patika were not Sakns or Sakas, if
that should be the correct expression according to the original form of the name®. None
of the Sakas, Sakas, ever played a leading historical part in Northern India,

il

In respect of the Eran coin, mentioned first on Page 8, which presents a reversed
Brahmi legend running from right to left, we must not lose sight of the possibility that
the explanation is to be found, ag has been suggested by Professor Hultzsch in the
Indian Antiquary, Vol. XAVI, Page $36, ina mistake of the engraver of the dia, who,
like the die-sinker in the case of a certain coin of Holkar of the last century, may have
forgotten that he ought to reverse the legend onthe die itself. We have one instance
of such remissness in ancient times in 4 coin of Rajula-Rajuviila, the reverse of which
presents a monogram, formed of the Greek letters K and Y, facing in the wrong direction ;
See Professor Gardner's Catalogue of the Going of the Greek and Scythic Kings of
Bactria and India, Page 67, No. 4. And we have another in the legend on a bronze stamp
for making seala, where the engraver omitted to reverse the syllable éri ; JRAS. 1901, 98.
plate, No. 9.

On page 67, under $29, B, (2) there isa statement about strongly cursive Kanarese
kh, which is calculated to be misleading, and on the strength of which some erroneous
assertions bave already been made’.

In the plates and tables there are some aelections that might have been avoided,
and some incorrect details, which are due to two causes” : partly to the fact, the explanation
of which has been indicated in come rematks made by me in the Epigraphia Indica,
Vol. VI, Page $0, that, owing to the natura of the only available materials, tha plates
have sometimes been based upon reproductions of original records which are not actual
facsimiles; partly to the fact, which we learn from the Concluding Remarks on page 102,
that some of the details of the plates were not selected and filled in by Professor
Bihler bimaelf.

And in any revision of the work there would have to be added, in connection
with § 20, D, on Page 44, a notice of the more recently discovered -pectliar variety of
the southern alphabet which is illustrated ‘n the Mayidavolu plates of the Pallava king
é:-a-Skandavarman and the Kondamudi plates of Jayavarman, edited by Professor Hultzsch
in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VI, Pages g4ff., 315i.

It would, however. have been contrary to the spirit of the arrangement with
Dr. Triibner to introduce any comments and additions of my own, either in the text
or in footnotes, And I do not find it eonvenient or appropriate to present them here,
beyond the extent of the ‘ndications given above. Anything of that kind must be lefé
for other occasions.

My editorial functions in the issue of this English yaraion of Professor Biibler's
work have thus been confined to details of a formal kind: chiefly io the matter of
giving more prominence to the titlings of the sections and the divisions of them ; in
transferring to a more convenient position, as separated footnotes at the bottom of the
pages to which they belong, the notes which in the German original stand massed together
at the end of each section’ : and in marking, by figures in square bracketa inthick type,
the commencement of each page of the German original, as closely 3 has been found
convenient. Following, however, an example seb by Professor Bihler himself in his
manuscript, I have gone somewhat further still in breaking up some of the very long

13

Paragraphs of the original, Following his leadin another direction also, I have endeavoured
to present everywhere tha correct spalling, as far as if can ba ascertained, of all the
place-snames which occur in the work; bub in conformity with his practice in this work,
Without discriminating between the long and tha short forms of « and o. And Ihave
corrected a few obvious mistakes; for instance, under 29, A, in line 18 on page 65,
I have substituted “Badimi" for the “Aibole” (properly Aihola) of tha German original
and of the manuscript translation.

In $29, Page 65ff., and anywhere else where the word may occur, I have taken
the liberty of substituting the word "Kanarese" for the “Kanara” of the German original
and of the manuscript translation ; and similarly, on page 46, line 4, and page 51, lines
21, 27f, I have substituted “the Kanarese country” for the “Kanara” of the original and
of the manuscript. The form “Kanara”, with the lingual ®, is nothing but an imaginative
advance upon the official figment “Kinara’, with the dantal n, for which, itself, thera
is no basis inthe Kanarese language, nor any necessity. I had thought at firat of using
like, the late Rey. Dr, Kittel and some other writers, the original vernacular word
“Kannada"—the source of our conventional “Canard, Kanara,” which, however, do not
mean the whole of the Kanarge country. And that word, which denotes both the country
and its language and also their alphabetical characters, would have been appropriate enough.
But I decided eventually on “Kanarese": partly because, though this term, also, is
conventional, it is so well-established, familiar, and definitive: and partly because it was
practically used, alongside of the word “Kanara” by Professor Bihler himself in the
“Kanaresische” and “Altkanaresische” of the original German work (e.g. page 66 lines 4, 6)
and in the ““Canarese” and “Old Canarese” of corresponding passages in his English version.

Except, however, in such details ag the above, and in the abolition of the inconvenient
abbreviations of which mention has been made on Page 2 above, the English version is simply
a reproduction of Professor Bibler’s manuscript.

In bringing this somewhat intricate work to a successful issue, I have been greatly
indebted to the zeal and ability of Mr. J..8. Foghill, the Head Reader of the Bombay
Education Society's Press. But for the extreme care with which he disposed of the first
rough proofs before any proof was sent out for revision by me, I should certainly not have
been able to take the work through, aa has actually beon done, on only one proof and a revise
of it.

Footnotes to Fleet's Introductory Note

1, A final paragraph on Page 96 of the German work mentions “‘some recent
publications, amongst them Dr. Griergon’s Examination of the Gaya alphabet of the stone-
masons’, Which could not be considered then, but were to be noticed in the second
edition of Indian Studies, No. III. A treatment of them in that way oxplaing the omission
of that final paragraph in professor Biihler’s English manuscript. Andit also, no doubt,
accounts for the omission of the Brahma charater for the guttural nasal, vi, in line 14 of
Col. VI of the table on page 11, as compared with the samo table on page 12 of the
German text, and for the introduction of an inset illustration of that character in an addi-

Pages mentioned in Fleet’s Introduction refer to
Indian Antiquary. The corresponding pages of
Indian Studies : Past & Present are given below

IA Page No. : ISPP Page No.
33 50
25 4#1-2
32 i)
Sif. 45
8 23
67 RG
102 122
44 63
66 (line 19) 85 (line 21)
gf. R4
46 (line 4) 64 (line 3 from bottom)
Sl (lines 21, 27f.) 70 (lines 19-20, 25f.)
2 o
11 26
an §a
l4 30

*9 (line 5 from bottom) 47 (line 6 of the §)
40 (lino 7 from bottom) 59 (line 15 from bottom)

13

tional remark made on Page 35, under § 16, o, (19), in cennection with which thare is to be
taken an observation made on Page 14, under 84, B, (4) « Ina reference to the
Gaya alphabet on Page 29, in lice 5 from the bottom, for ya read 1.

9 Ses JRAS. 1905, 299ff Regarding Vasahka, Vasuska whom it has not been necessary }
to mention by name above, aee ibid, J57E. Ti may be observed here that on page 40, line 7 from
the battom, in the words “or of the fourth century of the Seleucid era,” and in the correspond-
ing place on Page 41, line 10, of the German text, there must be a slip of the pen. The |
alternative proposed initial date of Kaniska, which Professor Biihler had in view, is cer- 1
tainly A. D, 89. And in that year there began the Seleucidan year 401 : that is, the first |
year of the Afth (not fourth) century of that era.

§ For tho real meaning of the inscription P. on the Mathura lion-capital, which has
been supposed to mark them as Sakas, ; o. Sakas, see TRAS 1904, T03ff., and 1905, L54ff.

4. See, for the present, my remarks about them in EI, 6, Tif.

5. For threa instances of incorrect detaile, saa some remarks by Professor Kielhorn,
in EL 8 38, note 1, below the introduction to his edition of the Juniigadh inscription or \
Girnar PraSasti, of Rudradiman. Aa instances of the other kind, I may mention the follow-
ing. Col, IV. of plate VIII. is from 4 reproduction (IA. 13, 186), which is not an actual
facsimile, of a record the authenticity of which is open to question, And Col. VIT of the
same plate is mostly from a lithograph (IA, 6, 198) which was made, at a time when our
methods of dealing with the original records. were still decidedly primitive, from a plain un-
inked estampage, made by myaelf, the ground of which was painted in by my own hand,
with results which cannot exactly be taken as furnishing o thoroughly typical illustration of
the Western Oflukya alphabet of the eleventh century A. D.

6. In doing this, I have corrected a few wrong references which came to notice, and
have added a very few new references which seemed likely to be of use.

Reprinted from
Indian Antiquary J. F. Fleet
1904, Appendix. I—6.

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INDIAN PALEQGRAPHY
From About B.C. 350 to About A.D. 1300

By
G. BUHLER.

I.—The Antiquity Of Writing In India And The
Origin Of The Oldest Indian Alphabet .

$l.—The Indian tradition.’

The tradition of both the orthodox and the heterodox sects of India ascribes the
invention of writing, or at least of the chief script, to the creator Brahma, and thereby
claims it as a national invention of the remotest antiquity, Thea former view is found
in the Narada-Smrti,” a redaction of the Manusamhiti (mentioned by Bana about A. D. 620),
and in Brhaspati's Varttika on Manu," as well as in Hinen Tsiang* and in the Jaina
Samaviyiiga-Sttra (traditional date about B.C. 800), the account of which latter work
ia repeated in the Pannavani-Sitra (traditional date B. OC, 168).° The story is also
indicated in tho representations of Brahma at Badami of about A. D. 580, where the
‘deity holds in one of hia hands a bundle of palm-leaves,” for which in later representa-
tions an inscribed sheet of paper is substituted.”

The story, according to which in particular, the Indian script running from the left
to the right ia an invention of Brahma (Fan), is told in fall in the Chinese Buddhistic
Fawanshulin.®? The two Jaina works mentioned above, and the Lalitavistara,” indicate its
existence by naming the most important secriph bambhi or brikhmi. These traditional
statements make it advisable to adopt the designation Brihmi for the characters in which
the majority of the ASoka edicts are written, and for their later developments.

Beriini?’ mentions a slightly different story. He says that the Hindus once had
forgotten the art of writing, and that through a divine inspiration it was rediscovered by
Vyiisa, the son of PariSara. Accordingly, the history of the Indian alphabets would begin
with the Kaliyuga, in B. O. 3101.

While these myths tend to show that the Hindus had forgotten the origin of their
alphabet in early times,—perhaps already about B.C, 300, but certainly before the beginning
of our era,—there are some other portions of their traditions which possess a greater and a
Positive value. The two Jaina Siitras referred to abova, contain a list of 15 separate

16

alphabets ; and the Lelitavistara** enumerates 64 scripts which are said to have existed
‘1 the time of Buddhas. Several among the names of the two lists agree, and thera are in
particular four which, as may have been already recognised, have a claim to be considered
authentic and historical. Besides the briihm? or bambhi, which is the parent of all the still
existing alphabets of India, two more can be identified with known scripts. The Kharogtht
or kharol{hi is, as the Fawanshulin states,2” the writing running from the right to the
left, invented by one Kbarostha, “Ags-lip,"""" and is the same character which European
scholars formerly used to call Bactrian, Indo-Bactrian, Bactro-Pali, Ariano-Pali, &c. The
dravidi or damili of the lists is very [2] probably the partly independent variety of the
Brahmi, which recently has become known through the relic vessels from the Stupa of
Bhaitiprolu in the Kistna district."* Besides, the name puskarasiri or pukkharasariya is
certainly, historical, as it is evidently conneated with the nomen gentile Pugkarasidi or
Pauskarasidi (with the Northern Buddhist'’s Puskarasdri) by which one or several
ancient teachera of law and grammar are mentioned in Panini'’s grammar, Apastamba’s
Dharmasitra, and other works. It appears nob incredible that a member of the family of
Puskarasad may have invented a new alphabet or modifiel an exiating one. The list of the
Jainag includes also the name yavaydliya or yavapaniyd, which is identical with yavandni,
“the writing of the Yavanas or Greeks,” of Panini (traditional date about B. ©. 950).*°
An early acquaintance of the Hindus with the Greek alphabet may have been brought about
by the expedition of Skylax to North-Western India in B. 0. 509, or by the fact that Indian
and Gandharian troops took part in Xerxes’ war against Greece,*” and even by an ancient
commercial intercourse. Atall events, finds of Indian imitations of Attic drachmes with
Greek inscriptions tend to prove the use of the Greek alphabet in North-Western India
hefore the time of Alexander.** :

As some names of the Jaina list are thus shown to be ancient by the results of epigraphic
resoarches and by Panini, as well as by the agreament of the independent tradition of the
Northern Buddhists, the list is not without historical value. And it may be considered ab
least highly probable that a fairly large number of alphabets was known or used in India
about B.C. 300. The exact number, 18, which the Jainas mention, must however be taken
merely as conventional, as it frequently oceura in traditional statements.

An extract from the lost Drstivida of the Jainas also gives some further account of
the ancient Brahmi*®, It states that this alphabet contained only 46 radical signs, instead
of the usual number of 50o0r 1. The letters intended are without a doubt: A, A, I. I
U, CU, £, Al, 0, AU (10), Am, Akh i ka, kha, ga, gha, md, cd, cha, ja (20), gha, ja. ta, tha, da, dha,
na, ta, tha, da (30), dha, na, pa, pha, ba, bha, ma, ya, ra, la (40), va, $a, sa, sa, ha, la; while
the mairkas A, B, L, Z, and the ligature kya, which in later times was often erronecusly
considered a mairka, were excluded, The four liquid vowels are wanting alse in the
alphabet of the Lalitavistara’® and in that of the modern elementary schools. In the
latter the instruction is based on the so-called Barakhadi (Skt. dvadasaksari), a table of the
combinations of the consonants with the twelve vowela mentioned above, ¢.g., ka, kai, to kam,
koh. The antiquity of the Barakhaqi, which from its Mangala Om namah siddham is at

present sometimes called Siddh@ksarasamamnaya or Siddhamairka, is attested by Hui-lin

17

(A. D, 789-810)2°, who mentions it aa the first of the twelve fan or ‘cycles’ (evidently Hiusn
Taiang’a twelve chang*!) with which the Hindu boys began their studies, Further evidence
for the omission of the vowels A, RB, [, E is turnished by Hiuen Tsiang’s remark?* that the
Indian alphabet of his time contained 47 letters (the lastione being probably the ligature ka),
and by the fragments of the incomplete alphabet of Asoka’s stone-masons at Gayl?°, which
may be restored as follows: 4, *4,*1,*I, *0, *0, *#, *Al, *O, *AU (10), *Am or *Ad, ka,
*kha, “ga, *gha, 1, *ca, cha, “ja, *jha (20), *Ha, “la.

All these various points tend to show that the popular Brahmi contained, as the Jaina
tradition asserts, since the third century B. O. only 46 letters, and that, as the occurrence of
the vowels AI, AU, Am, 44 and the consonant fa proves, it was adapted to the wants of the
Sanskrit language, But it ia not [$) improbable that the Brahmans already then used
particular signa for the liquid vowels in their works on grammar and phonetics, The method,
however, according to which the actually known signs for these sounds have been formed,
differs from that adopted for the other vowel-signs. The medial 7, F and | were developed
first, and the initials later ; while in the case of a, 4, &c., the process was the contrary one
(see below, § 4, and § 24, A, 6, 7). The Chinese have also preserved an Indiau tradition
asserting that r, F and J are later additions to the original alphabet”*.

§ 9.—Literary evidence for the use of writing.
A.—Brahmanical literature*®.

Among Vedic works, the Vasistha Dharmasiitra, which according to Kumirila (about
A. D. 750) originally belonged to a school of the Reveda, and which is younger than the lost
Manava Dharmasttra but older than the existing Manusambita,-° offers clear evidence for
the widely spread use of writing during the “Vedic” period. Vasistha in XVI, 10, 14-15,
mentions written documents ss legal evidence, and the first of these sutras is a quotation
from an older work or from the traditional lore. Further, Panini's grammar, which belongs
to the Vedingas, contains, besides the term yavanani mentioned above, the compounds
lipikara and libikara, writer” (III, 2, 21), which sometimes Lave been rendered erroneously,
against the authority of the Kogas, by “maker of inscriptions.”*' In addition to these few
cartain passages, the later Vedic worka contain some technical terms such as aksara, handa,
patala, grantha, ke., which some scholars have quoted as evidence for writing, But others
have explained them differently, and it is indeed not necessary to consider them as referring
to written letters and MSS2°. Similarly, opinions aro much divided with respect to the force
of some other general arguments for the early uge of written documents and MS5., drawn
from the advanced state of Vedic civilisation, especially from the high development of trade
and the complicated monetary transactions mentioned in Vedie works, from the use of
prose in the Brahmanas from the collection, the methodical arrangement, the numeration,
and the analysia of the Vedic texts, and from the grammatical, phonetic, and lexicographic
researches in the Vedaingae.”” Though some of these points, especially the first and the
last, undeniably possess considerable weight, they have yet not gained general recognition,

16

alphabets ; and the Lelitavistara’* enumerates 64 scripts which are said to have existed
‘n the time of Buddha. Several among the names of the two lists agree, and there are in
particular four which, as may have heen already recognised, have a claim to be considered
authentic and historieal. Besides the brahmi or bambhi, which is the parent of all the still
existing alphabets of India, two more can be ‘dentified with kmown seripts. The Kharosthi
or kharo({hi is, as the Fawansbulin states,2” the writing running from the right to the
left, invented by one Kbarostha, “Ass-lip,"** and is the same character which European
scholars formerly used to call Bactrian, Indo-Bactrian, Bactro-Pali, Ariano-Pali, &c. The
dravidi or damili of the lists is very (2) probably the partly independent variety of tha
Bribmi, which recently has become known through the relic vessels from the Sttipa of
Bhaitiprolu in the Kistna district.’“ Besides, the name puskarasiri or pukkharasdriya is
certainly. historical, as it is evidently connected with the nomen gentile Pugkarasids or
Pauskarasadi (with the Northern Buddhist’s Puskarasiri) by which one or several
ancient teachers of law and grammar are mentioned in PAninis grammar, Apastamba’s
Dharmasiitra, and other works. It appears not incredible thats member of the family of
Puskarasad may have invented a new alphabet or modified an existing one. The list of the
Jainas includes also the name yavanaliya or yavayayiyd, which is identical with yavandnt,
“the writing of the Yavanas or Greeks,” of Panini (traditional date about B. C. 350).*°
An early acquaintance of the Hindus with the Greek alphabet may have been brought about
by the expedition of Skylax to North-Western India in B. C. 509, or by the fact that Indian
and Gandharian troops took part in Xerxes’ war against Greece,?® and even by an ancient
commercial intercourse. At all events, finds of Indian imitations of Attic drachmes with
Greek inscriptions tend to prove the use of the Greek alphabet in North-Western India
before the time of Alexander.*'

As some names of the Jaina list are thus shown to be ancient by the results of epigraphic
researches and by Panini, as well as by the agreement of the independent tradition of the
Northern Buddhists, the list is not without historical value. And it may be considered at
least highly probable that a fairly large number of alphabets was known or used in India
about B. C. 300. The exact number, 18, which the Jainas mention, must however be taken
merely as conventional, as it frequently occurs in traditional statements.

An extract from the lost Drstivada of the Jainas also gives some further account of
the ancient Brahmi?*, It states that this alphabet contained only 46 radical signs, instead
of the usual number of 50 or 51. The letters intended are without a doubt: 4, Az, t
U, U, E, Al, O, AU (10), Am, Ah; ka, kha, ga, gha, via, ca, cha, ja (20), jha, tia. ta, tha, da, dha,
na, ta, tha, da (30), dha, na, pa, pha, ba, bha, ma, ya, ra, la (40), va, Sa, 3a, sa, ha, Ja; while
the matrkas R, RB, L, Ii, and the ligature ksa, which in later times was often erroneously
considered a mairka, were excluded, The four liquid vowele are wanting alae in the
alphabet of the Lalitavistara’® and in that of the modern elementary echools. In tha
latter the instruction is based on the so-called Barakhadi (Skt. dvaidaéakeari), a table of the
combinations of the consonants with the twelve vowela mentioned above, ¢9., ka, ki, to kaw,
kah. The antiquity of the Barakhadi, which from its Mangala Orn namah siddham is at

present sometimes called Siddhaksarasamamnaya or Siddhamédiykd, is attested by Hui-lin

17

(A. D. 788-810)°°, who mentions it as the first of the twelve fan or ‘cycles’ (evidently Hiuen
Taiang’a twelve chang*!) with which the Hindu boys began their studies. Further evidence
for the omission of the vowela R, B,D, E ia tarnished by Hiven Tsiang’s remark?” that the
Indian alphabet of his time contained 47 letters (the lastone being probably the ligature ka),
and by the fragments of the incomplete alphahet of Asoks’s stone-masons af Gaya*?, which
may be restored as follows: A, *A, *1,*I,*0,*0, *E, *AI, *O, *AU (10), *Amor *Ab, ba,
*kha, *ga, *gha, iia, *ea, cha, "ja, *jha (20), "ia, *ta.

All these various points tend to show that the popular Brahmi contained, as the Jaina
tradition asserts, since the third century B. OC. only 46 letters, and that, as the occurrence of
the vowels AZ, AU, Amp, 4A and the consonant m2 proves, it was adapted to the wants of the
Sanskrit language. But it is not [3] improbable that the Brahmans already then used
particular signs for the liquid yowels in their works on grammar and phonetics, The method,
however, according to which the actually known signs for these sounds have been formed,
differs from that adopted for the other vowel-signs. The medial 7, F and ! were developed
firat, and the initiala later ; while in the case of a, @, &c., the process was the contrary ope
(see below, § 4, and § 24, A, 6, 7). The Chinese have also preserved an Indiau tradition
asserting that r, F and | are later additions to the original alphabet®*.

§ 9.—Literary evidence for the use of writing.
A.—Brahmanical literature**.

Among Vedic works, the Visistha Dharmastitra, which according to Kumarila (about
A. D. 750) originally belonged to a school of the Rgveda, and which is younger than the lost
Manava Dharmasitra but older than the existing Manusambita,*° offers clear evidence for
the widely spread use of writing during the “Vedic” period. Vasigtha in XVI, 10, 14-Lo,
mentions written documents as legal evidence, and the first of these siitras is quotation
from an older work or from the traditional lore. Further, Papini’s grammar, which belongs
to the Vediihgas, contains, besides the term yavanani mentioned above, the compounds
linikara and libikara, “writer” (III, 2, 21), which sometimes lave been rendered erroneously,
against the authority of the Kogas, by “maker of inscriptions.”27 In addition to these few
certain passages, the later Vedio works contain some technical terms. such as akgara, kinda,
patala, grantha, &c., which some scholars have quoted as evidence for writing, But others
have explained them differently, and it is indeed not necessary to consider them as referring
to written letters and MSS2°. Similarly, opinions are much divided with respect to the force
of some other general arguments for the early uze of written documents and MSS., drawn
from the advanced state of Vedic civilisation, especially from the high development of trade
and the complicated monetary transactions mentioned in Vedio works, from tha use of
prose in the Brahmayas from the collection, the methodical arrangement, the numeration,
and the analysis of the Vedic texts, and from the grammatical, phonetic, and lexicographic
researches in the Vedatigae.*® ‘Though some of these points, especially the first and the
last, undeniably possess considerable weight, they have yet not gained general recognition,

15

as will always happen if an argumentum ex impoasilili ia used, even if it should be aupported
by fuller special enquiries than Sanskrit scholars have hitherto devoted to these subjects.
While this kind of evidence will probably not be generally accepted very soon, it is to
be boped that tha argumenium ex silentio—the inference thab a Wedie work which docs
nol mention writing must have been composed when writing was unknown in India,—will
be dropped. The argumentum er silentio is certainly not conelusive, because the Hindus
even at praesent, in spite of a long continued use of writing, esteam the written word less than
thea spoken one, because they base their whole literary and scientific intercourse on oral
communications, and because, especially in scientific [4] works, writing and MSS. are
mentioned very rarely. Though MSS., being Sarasvatimukha, “the face of the goddess of
speech,” sare held sacred and are worshipped, the Veda and the Siistras exist, even
for the modern Hindu, only in the mouth of thea teacher, whose word has
more weight than a written text, and they can only be learned properly from a
teacher, not from MSS. Evenin our days, the Hindus esteem only the mukhastha vidya,
the learning which the Pandit has imprinted on his memory. Even in our days, learned
discussions are carried on with reference to living speech, and even the modern posts do
not wish to be read, but hope that their verses will become ‘ornaments for the throats
of the learned” (sat@m kanthabhiigana). As far as our observation Teaches, this state
of things has been always the same since the earliest times, Its ultimate cause probably
is that the beginning of the Hindu Sastras and poetry goes back toa time when writing
was unknown, and that system of oral teaching, already traceable in the Reveda,
was fully developed before the introduction of written characters. The reasons just stated
do not permit us to expect many traces for the use of writing in the works of the
schools of priests or Pandits, or to look in them for frequent references to letters and
written documents. But, on the other hand, there is nothing to bar the conjecture,
tepeatedly put forward, that, even during the Vedio period, MSS. were used as auxiliaries

‘both in oral instruetion and ‘on other oocasions. And, as an argument in fayour of this

conjecture, if is now possible to adduce the indisputable fact that the Brahmi alphabet
has been formed by phonologista or by grammarians and for acientific use? ”.

But such Brahmanics! works as the Epics, Puriinas, Kiivyas, dramas, &c., which
describe actual life, or the metrical law-books which fully teach not only the sacred
but also the civil and criminal law, as woll as compositions such as the Niti-, Nittya-,
and Kima-Sistras which exclusively refer to worldly matters, contain numerous references
to. writing and to written documents of various kinds, and likewise evidence for the
occurrence of MSS. of literary works, Unfortunately, however, it is not possible
to assert of any of the axisting books of these elasses,—excepting the two Epica,—that they
are older than the period to which the oldest inscriptions belong. And even the evidence
of the Epics may be impugned, since we cannot prove that every word of their texts
goes back toa high antiquity. Professor Jacobi'a examination of the several. recensions
of the Rimifyana has shown that the greater part of the verses, now read, did not belong
to the original poem.*’ As far as is known at present, the MSS. of the Mabibhdrata do
not show equally great variations. But the existence of the majority of its chapters

19

can be proved only for the eleventh century A.D.9? Though the testimony of the
Epics can therefore, only ba used with due reserve, yet itis undeniable that their terms
regarding writing and writers are archaic. Like the canonical works of the Southern
Buddhists,°* they use the ancient expressions likh, lekha, lekhaka, and lekhana, not the
probably foreign word I:pi. |

The most important passages of the Epics, concerning writing, have been collected
in the St. Petersburg Dictionary under the words mentioned, and by J. Dablmann, Das
Mahabbirata, 185 ff. Regarding the passages on writing in Manu, see the Index in
Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXV, under “Documents,” and for the legal. documents,
described in the later Smrtis, sea Vol. II. of this Encyelopedia, Part 8, Recht und Sitte,
$95. An interesting collection of statements regarding MSS. in the Puriinas is found in
Hemiidri’s Dinakbands, Adhy. 7, p. 544 ff. ( Bibl. Ind.). The Kimastitra I, 3 (p. 33,
Daurgiprasiid) enumerates pustakavacana, “the reading of MSS.," among tho 64 Kalas.

B.—Buddhistie literature.**

[5] More important than the testimony of the Brahmans is that of the Caylonese
Tripitaka, where numerous passages bear witness not only to an acquaintance with
writing, but also to its extensive use at the time when the Buddhist canon was eomposed.
Lekha, “writing”, and Lekhaka, “a writer,’ are mentioned in the Bhikkhu-Pacittya 2, 2,
and in the Bhikkhuni-Picittiya 49,2; and the former work praises writing as a branch of
knowledge that is honoured in all countries. The Jitakas repeatedly speak of private?
and official?® letters, They also know of royal proclamations®’, of which Mabiivagga 1,43
likewise mentions an instance; and they narrate that important family affairs or moral
and political maxims were engraved on gold plates.*5 Twice we hear of debtor’s bonds
(inapanna®®), and twice even of MSS. (potthaka*®). A game called akkharikii is mentioned
repeatedly in the Vinayapijaka and the Nikiyas*! ; according to Buddhaghoja, its main
feature was that letters were readin thesky. The Pardjika section of the Vinayapitaka
(9.4.4) declares that Buddhist monks shall not “incise” (chind) the rules which show
how men may gain heaven, or riches and fame in the next life, through particular
modes of suicide, From this passage it follows (1) that the ascetics of pre-Buddhistie
times used to give their lay-disciples rules, incised on bamboo or wooden tablets,
concering religious suicide, which ancient Brahmans and the Jainas strongly recommended,
and (2) that the knowledge of the alphabet was widely spread among the people.

Finally, Jitaka No. 125, and Mahivagga 1, 49,4° bear witness to the existence
of elementary schools, in which -the method of teaching and the matter taught were about
the same as in the indigenous schools of modern India. The Jitaka mentions the
wooden writing-board (phalaka), known (as well sa the vargaka or wooden pen) also to
the Talitavistara*? and to Bertioi,** and still used in Indian elementary schools. The
passage of the Mahiivagga gives the curriculum of the schools, lekha, gayané and rilpa
which three gubjects, according to the Hathigumpha inscription of the year 165 of the Maurya
era*®, king Kharavela of Kaliiga learnt in his childhood, Lekha, of course, means “writing,”

20

and gavand, ‘arithmetic’, i. ¢., addition, subtraction and the multiplication-table formerly
called afika and now Gtk while rupa, literally “forms,” corresponds to applied arithmetic, the
calculations with coins, of interest and Wages, and to elementary mensuration. These three
subjects are still “the three R's" taught in the indigenous schools called gaimtt nisal,
pathdala, lehgad or toll,

These very plain statements of the Caylonese canon refer certainly to the actualitiag
of the period between BO. 500-400, possibly even of the sixth century.4® Their antiquity
is proved also by the fact that all the terms for writing. letters, writers,—chindati, likhati,
lekha, lekhaka, akkhara—as wall as nearly all the writing materials, wood or bamboo, pana
or leaves, and sivauvapal{a or gold plates, point to the oldest method of Writing, the
incision of the signs in hard materials. All traces of the use of ink are wanting, though the
statements of Nearchos and Q. Curtius regarding the writing materials used at the time
of Alexander's invasion (see below under CO) make it very probable that ink Was known in the
fourth century B.C, and though an ink-inseription of the third or aecond century B. OC. is
found on the inner side of the lid of the relic vessel from Stipa No. III. at Andher*’,
Moreover, the Ceylonese books are nof acquainted with the words lipi, libi, dipi, dipati,
dipapats, lipikara and libikara for “writing,” “to write,” and “writer,” of which the first
six are found in the [6] ASoka ediets and the last two, as stated above, in Panini's grammar.
Dipi, and lipi are probably derived from the Old Persian dipi, which cannot have reached
India before the conquest of the Patijab by Darius about B.C. 500, and which Ister
became /ipi*',

C.—Foreign Works.

To the last quarter of the fourth century B. ©. refer the statement of Nearchos,*®
according to which the Hindus wrote letters on well beaten cotton cloth, and the note of
Q. Curtius,°° which mentions the tender inner bark of trees as serving the same purpose, and
clearly points to the early utilisation of the well known birch-hark, The fact that, according
to theee two writers, two different indigenous Indian materials were used in B: QO. 327-325,
shows that the art of writing was then Generally known and was nothing new. To a
slightly later time belongs the fragment No. 36 a of Megasthenes,®! which speaks of mile-
Stones indicating the distances and the halting places on the high roads. In another
olten-discussed paseage,°* Mogasthones says that the Indians desided judicial cases according
to unwritten laws, and adds in explanation that they knew no yPayjiara and settled every-
thing <'no vy png, According to the now usual interpretation, this statement hag been
caused by a misunderstanding. Megasthenas took the term smy'ts, used by his informants,
in the sense of jy‘, “memory,” while they meant it in the sense of “the sacred tradition
concerning law,"' or “the lawbooks," which, according to Indian principles, can only be
explained orally by one who knows the Dharma.

$ 3.—Paleographic Evidence53
The reaults of & paleographic examination of the most ancient Indian inscriptions fully
agree with the literary evidence, which beare witness to the. widely spread use of writing

al

during the fifty century B.C, and perhaps even during the sixth. The characters of the
ASoka edicts, which have to be considered first, prove very clearly that writing was
no recent invention in the third century B.C. The alphabet of the edicts is not
homogeneous. All the letters, with the exception of U, jha, na, na, (ha, ya, tha and na, have
several often very dissimilar forms, which are partly local and partly cursive varieties. The
number of the variants of one letter sometimes amounts‘to nine or ten. Thue plate II, 1, 2,
cols, IT-XIJ, shows for A, A, no less than ten forms, among which the eight most important
ones may be placed here side by side :—

AWNAZHAwWaNA

The first sign has hardly any resemblance to the last. But the sequence in the
row shows their connection and their development. The first seven owe their existence
toa predilection partly [7] for angles and partly for curves,—two mutually contradictory
tendencies, which find their expression also in the forms of other letters of pl. II, auch |
as gha, da, da,la, &c. The signs Nos. 1,3,3 of the series given above, are due to the
firat tendency, and Nos. 6,7 to the second. Nos. 4,5 show the transition from the angle
to the curve, and No, 8 is a cursive simplification of No, 6. These eight signs are not
found in all the versions of the Asoka edicts, but are divided locally as follows.
The angular forms Nos. 1,2,3 appear only in the South, in Girnir, Siddapura,
Dhauli, and Jaugada, side by side with Nos.4to 7. And it must be noted that the latter
are rare in Girnar and Siddapura, but in the majority in Dhauli and Jaugada. In the
versions discovered north of the Narmada or the Vindhya, we find mostly only Nog. 4 to 7,
but in Kalsi No, 8 alao is common, and it occurs afew times in Rampirva, Hence the
angular forms of A, A, appear to be specially southern ones, and they are no doubé algo tha
most ancient. The first inference is confirmed by s comparison of the most nearly allied
MBriptions The relic vessels from Kolbapur®* and Bhattiprolu (pl. II, cols, XIII-V), and
the oldest Andbra inscription from the Nanighat ( pl. II, cols. XXIII-XXIV) again show
the angular A, A, either exclusively or together with the mixed forms Nos. 4,6, while the
numerous inscriptions found further north on the Stiipas of Sifiel and Bharabut, in Pabhosa
and Mathura ( pl. II, cols. XVIII-KX) on the coins of Agathocles, and in the Niigirjuni
cave (pl. II, col. XVII), offer either pure curved letters or mixed ones. An exception in
Mahibodhi-Gaya** is probably explained by the fact that pilgrims from the south incised
records of their donations at the famous sanctuary. Similar differences between northern
and southern forms may be observed in the case of kha, ja, ma, ra and sa°®, and they are all
the more important as the circumstances under which the Asoka edicts were incised did not
favour the free use of local forms®’. But the existence of local forms always points to
long continued use of the alphabet in which it is observable.

Equally important is the occurrence of apparently or really advanced and cursive
types which’ for the greater part reappear or become constant in the later inscriptions.

93
The subjoined table shows in lina A the most important modern looking signa from the
Asoka edicts, and in line B the corresponding ones from later inscriptions.

a ée dhe eo gle che fe de
MOR Meath Vidi ar eel Ga fet hou Monk
> H+2.7°2 wn bE coK

oP) a 6 eee eee

de pa ahs She is kes me ae
48 bb ds. De eee

os bit Gabi & Lb&

| ne § a SR | | ah o3E

Four among these signs, Nos. 2, 7, 10, 21, are, a3 will appear further on,°8
really archaic, but the remainder are partly secondary, partly tertiary cursive forma.
To the last-mentioned belong in particular Nos. 4, §, 11, 15 and 19. [8] Among the
letters form the later inscriptions in line B, Nos. 9, 11, 19 and 19 appear in the
Nigiirjuni cave inscriptions of Asoka’s grandzon DaSaratha; Nos, 2, 6-8, 10. 13-16 and 21 in
Kharavela'’s Hathigumpha inmseription and in the oldest Andhra inscriptions,
inscriptions, Nisik No. 1 and Naniighit, aa well as in the archaic Mathura inscriptions, all
of which documents belong ‘to the period between about B, 0, 170 and 150. Nos. 1, 3 and
22 are atill later, and occur firat in the inscriptions of the Ku§fnas from Mathurai and in the
Andhra and Abbira inscriptions from Nasik of tho first and second canturies A.D. Occasionally
the Asoka edicts show also the short top-stroke, the so-called Serif, which ia go characteristic
for the later alphabets and causes numerous modifications.°® Very commonly, too, appat
the upward strokes for medial @ and ¢, the cursive rounded (in Girniit sometimes not
distinguishable from @), more rarely the later straight o-stroke, and once a looped o.8°
Finally, the Anusvitra sometimes stands, as is generally the case in later times, above the
letter after which it is pronounced. !

The existence of so many Iccal varieties, and of so very numerous cursive forms,
proves in any’case that writing had had a long history in Aéoka’s time, and that the alphabet
was then in o state of transition. The nae of the cursive forma together with archaic cuss
may possibly be explained by the assumption that several, partly more archaic and partly
more advanced, alphabeta were simultancously used during the third century B. C., and that
the writers, intending or ordered to use lapidary forms, through negligence mixed thom with
the moro familiar cursive letters, as has alao happened not rarely in later inscriptions. It
is possible to adduee in favour of this view the above-mentioned tradition of the Drstiviida,
acoording to which « larger number of alphabets was in uso about B, C, 300. The conjecture:

3

would become a certainty, if it could be shown that the word ssfo, “the white (eclephant),”
which hag been added to Dhauli edict VI. in order to etplain the seulpture above the middle
column, was incised at the same time as the preceding edicts. The two characters of sete
show the types of the Kugiina and Gupta inscriptions.°* Though it is difficult to understand
that, in later times, anybody should have cared to add the explanation of the relief, keeping
exactly the line of the edict, the possibility of the assumption that this was actually done,
ia not altogether excluded.

The Eran coin with the legend running from the right to the left,"* offers a contribution
to the earlier history of the Brihmi. It shows the ancient sa with the straight side-stroke,
but the later ma with the semicireular top, and tho dha turned to the left. The coin
probably dates from the time when the Briihmi was written both from the right to the left
and from the left to the right. Even if one makes due allowance for the fact that coins
often reproduce archaic forms long gone out of fashion, one can only agree with Cunningham
(CAI, 101), who thinks that the coin is older than the Maurya period ; and one must allot
it, if not to B. 0. 400, at least to the middle of the fourth century. The time when the Brahmi
was written Bovarpodrdc'y probably lies somewhat before the Maurya period, since the Asoka
edicts show only few traces of the writing from right to left, in the O of Jaugada and
Dhauli and in the rare dha of Jaugada and Delhi-Sivalik (plate II, 8, VI, and 26, V, VI).%*
In connection with this coin it ia also neceesary to mention the Patna seals (C. ASR. 15,
pl 8. 1. 9), which very likely are older than the time of the Mauryas.. The firat with the
legend Nadaya (Namdaya), “(the seal) of Nanda,’ shows a da open to the right, [9] and
the second with the inscription Agapalaga (Amgap@laééa) shows an A in ita original position
(pl. I. 1. I). More important results for the history of the Brihmi may be obtained from
the Drividi of the relic caskets of Bhsttiprolu,°° already referred to above. This
alphabet contains, besides various characters agreeing with the southern variety of the Asoka
edicts, (1) three signs, dh, @ and bh, in the position of the writing running from right to
left ; (2) three signs, co, j and #, which are more archaic than those of the Asoka edicts and
of the Eran coin; (3) two signs, | and /, derived independently from the old Semitic
ofiginals ; (4) one new sign, gh, derived from g, the ma@irka gha of the Brahmi being at the
same time discarded. The reasons for the assertions under 2 and 3 will be adduced in the
next paragraph. But if the assertions themselves are true, it certainly follows that, what-
ever the age of the inscriptions may be, the Dravida alphabet separated from the main stock
of the Brahmi long before the Eran coin was struck, at the latest in the fifth century B. C.

This estimate carries us back to ths period for which the Caylonese canon proves
the general use of writing in India, without however giving the name of the current alphabet.
It seems therefore natural to conjecbure that the alphabet known to the earliest Buddhist
authors was a form of the Briibmi; and there are some further facts which favour this view.
Firstly, recent discoveries bave made it evident that the Brihmi has been commonly used
since the earliest times even in North-Western India, and that it was indeed the real
national seript of all Hindus.°* In the ruins of Taxila, the modern Shih-Deri in the Panjab,
coins have been found which are struck sodording to the old Indian standard, and some of
which bear inscription: in Kharoythi, while the majority show legends in the oldest type of

Po

the Brahmi, sometimes together with transcripts in Kharogthi,°’ These coins are certainly
not later than the third century B. ©. Perhaps they even date, as Cunningham thinks,
from a much earlier time about B. 0.400. Some of them have been struck by negama or
guilds, those of the Dojaka or Dujaka, of the Talimata and of the Atakataka (?), and one
with the inscription Vatasvaka probably was issued by a section of the tribe of the Afrakas
(Assakenoi), named after the vata-tree, the’ Fieus religioga. These finds decidedly establish
the popular use of the Brahmi in the Panjab, side by side with the Kharosthi, at least for
the third century B. 0. Mr. Rapson’s discovery of Persian sigloi with letters in Kharosthi and
in Briihmi proves that both alphabets wore used together much earlier.*2 For, in all
probability these sigloi were current during the rule of the Akhaemenians over North-Western
India, or before B. C, 391, :

Secondly, Dr. Taylor’s view regarding the origin of the Kharosthi has become more
and mors probable, and if must now be admitted that this alphabe: was developed out
of the later Aramaic characters after the conquest of the Pafijib by Darius, which happened
about B.C. 500°°. And it becomes more and more difficult to refuse credence to the
conjecture of A. Weber, E. Thomas and A. Cunningham, acceording to which the principles
ruling the already developed Grihmi have been utilised in the formation of the Kharosthi’®,
According to our present information, the Kharosthi is the only alphabet, besides the
Brihmi, to which the Buddhists possibly could refer. Butas it was only a secondary script
even in Gandhira, as it was developed only in the fifth century, the possibility suggested
becomes improbable, and the Brihmi alone has aclaim to be considered as the alphabet
known to the authors of the Ceylonese canon.

§ 4.—The origin of the Brahma alphabet?!

[10] Among the numerous greatly differing proposals to explain the origin of the
Brahmi’”, there are five for which complete demonstrations have been attempted :—{1) A.
Cunningham's derivation from indigenous Indian hieroglyphica’? ; (2) A. Weber's derivation
from the most ancient Phoenician characters’*; (3) W. Deecke’s derivation from the
Assyrian cuneiform characters, through an ancient South-Semitic alphabet which is also
the parent of the Sabacan or Himyaritic seript’® : (4) I. Taylor’s derivation from a lost
South-Arabian alphabet, the predecessor of the Sabaean’*; (5) J. Haldvy's derivation from
a mixture of Aramaic, Kharosthi and Greek lettera of the last quarter o} the fourth
eantury B. 0."

Qunningham's opinion, which waa formerly shared by some eminent scholars, presup-
poses the uae of Indian hieroglyphic pictures, of which hitherto no trace has been found.
On the other hand, the legend of the Eran coin, which runs from the right to the left, and
the letters seemingly turned round in the opposite direction which appear rarely in the
ASoka edicts and more frequently in the Bhattiprolu ‘inseriptions, point to the correctness of
the view taken as granted in all the other attempts at explanation, viz., that Semitic signs
are the prototypes of the Brahma letters.

Among the remaining four proposals, J. Halévy's a priori improbable theory may be at
once eliminated, as it does not agrea with the literary and paleographic evidence just

o
es

discussed, which makes it more than probable that the Brahmi was used several centuries
before the beginning of the Maurya period, and had had a long history at the time to which the
earliest Indian inscriptions belong. It is more difficult to make a choice between A. Weber's
derivation from the oldest North-Semitic alphabet, and the view of W. Deecke and I. Taylor,
who derive the Brahmi from an ancient South-Semitle gcript. Neither the one nor the other
derivation can ba declared to bea priori impossible; for, the results of modern researches
make a high antiquity probable for also the Sabaean script, and point to the conclusion that
this alphabet not only is older than the oldest Indian inscriptions, but that it exiated ata
period for which no evidence for the use of writing in India is available.”* But according to
these resulis, the question has to be put ina manner somewhat differing from that in which
Deecks and Taylor have putit. The point te be ascertained is mo longer, whether the
Bribmi can be derived from an unknown predecessor of the Sabsean alphabet, but whether
it can be derived directly from the actually known Sabaean characters.

In all attempts at the derivation of alphabets, it is necessary to keep in mind three
fundamental maxims, without which no satisfactory results can be obtained :—

(1) For the comparison of the characters to ba derived, the oldest and fullest forms
must ba used, and the originals from which they are derived must belong to the types of one
and the same period.

(2) The comparison may include only such irregular equations a3 can be supported by
analogies from other cases where nations have borrowed foreign alphabets.

(3) [11] In cases where the derivatives show considerable differences from the
supposed prototypes, it is necessary to show that there are fixed principles, according to
which the changes have been made.

If ona wishes to keep to these principles in deriving the Brahmi from Semitic signs,
neither the Sabsean alphabet, nor its perhaps a little more archaic variety, the Lihyanian or
Thammudaean™®, will serve the purpose, in spite of a general resemblance in the ductus and
of a special resemblance in two or three letters. The derivations proposed by Deecke and
Taylor do not fulfil the absolutely necessary conditions, and it will probably not be poseible
to obtain satisfactory results, even if all the impossible equations are given up, and the oldest
indian signs in every case are choeen for comparison. It would be necessary to assume that
several Sabaean letters, such as Aleph, Gimel, Zain, Teth, Phe, Qoph, Resh, which show
strong modifications of the North-Semitic forms, bad been again mads similar to their
prototypes on being converted by the Hindus into 4, ga, ja, tha, pa, kha and ra, In other
cases, it would be impossible to show any connection between the Sabaean and the Indian
sigue. These difficulties disappear with the direct derivation of the Brihmi from the oldest
North-Semitic alphabet, which shows the same type from Phoenicia to Mesopotamia. The
few inadmissible equations which Weber's earlier attempt contains, may be easily removed
with the help of recently discovered forms, and it is not difficult to recognise the principles,
according to which the Semitic signs have been converted into Indian ones.

An examination of the old Indian alphabet in plate II. reveala the following peculiarities :—

(1) The letters are set up as straight as possible, and with occassional exceptions in
the case of ta, tha and ba, they are made equal in height. —

4

af ra

98

(2) The majority consist of vertical lines with appendages attached mostly at the
foot, occasionally at the foot and at the top, or rarely in the middle; but there is no cage
in which an appendage has been added to the top alone.

(3) At the top of the letters appear mostly the enda of verticals, less frequently short
horizontal strokes, still mora rarely curves on the tops of angles opening downwards, and,

A
ce eee ete

L po eQsriFt|

mH~<Mb OD & |
Empro>O.y |

Q°
- ©

*
A

0 pede

a
i

Ww feu OOH

|e
y
| ¢
lor
fy |
| #
| 0
? |
wl
4
Ww
x

+S hors o

quite exceptionally, in maand in one form of jha, two lines rising upwards. In no case
does the top show several angles, placed side by side, with a vertical or slanting line hanging
down, or a triangle or a circle with a pendant-ling,

The causes of these characteristics of the Brahmi are a certain pedantic formalism, -
found also in other Indian creations, a desire to frame signs suited for the formation of

ae
27

regular lines, and an aversion to top-heavy characters. The last peculiarity is probably due
in part to the circumstances that since early times the Indiana made their letters hang
down from an imaginary or really drawn upper line®®, and in part to the introduction of
vyowel-signs, most of which are attached horizontally to the tops of the consonants. Signs
with the ends of verticals at the top were, of course, best suited for such a script. Owing to
these inclinations and aversions of the Hindus, the heavy tops of many Semitic letters had
to be got rid of, by turning the signs topsy-turvy or laying them on their sides, by opening the
angles, and go forth. Finslly, the chango in the direction of the writing necessitated #
further change, inasmuch as the signs had to be turned from the right to the left, as
in Greek.

[19] The details of the derivation, for which, with the exception of the evidently.
identical Noa. 1, 8-7, 9, 13, 16, 17, 19-22, only a greater or smaller degree of probability can
be claimed, are shown in the subjoined comparative table, which has been drawn by Mr. 8.
Pepper of Vienna. Cols. I, If, showing the oldest Phoenician characters and those from
Mesa's stone, have been taken from Ph. Berger's Histoire del F’critura dans I’ Antiquite,
pp. 185, 20%. Col. ILI. comes from Euting’s Tabula Scripturae Aramaicae of 1892. And cols.
IV-VI, with the exception of the signs marked by asteriska as hypothetical, are taken from
plate II. of this work. With respect to the single letters, I add the following explanatory
remarks, brief abstracts of those in my Indian Studies, IIT. 2, p. 58 fi.

A.—Borrowed Signs.

No. 1, A, col. V,=Aleph, cols. I, II (Weber doubtfully), [13] turned from right to
left except on the Patni seal (above, $3, and pl. II, 1, I), with transposition of the vertical
line to the end of the angle.—No. 2, ba, ool. V, a, 6, c,=Beth, cols. I, Il (Weber) ; the
opening of the triangular top produced first a sign like that in col. IV, next the rhombus,
col. V, a, and finally the square and the oblong, col. V, 6, c—No. 3,94, col. V,=Gimel,
cols. I,II.—No. 4, dha, col, V, a, 6,=Daleth, cols I, I (Weber), set up straight with
rounded back (compare the half-angular forms, pl. IT, 26, IX, AIS, XXIII, and the
triangular, pl. IIf, 24, VII-XIII), with or without the turn from right to left.—No. 5, ha,
col. V,=He (Weber doubtfully), the Siddaipura form, col, V, a, being probably derived
from the He of col. IfI, a (Mina of Salmanassar, before B. C. 715), which was turned
topsy-turvy and from right to left. The more similar He of the sixth century B. C.
(col. III, 6) cannot be the prototype, because it occurs in,the period when the Brahmi had
been developed, and because then the Semitic Aleph, Daleth, Cheth, Theth, Waw, and
Qoph bad become cursive and had been changed so much that they could no longer have
produced the Indian forms.—No. 6, va, col. V, a, 6,=Waw, col. I (Weber doubtfully l,
turned topay-turvy and with the lower end shut—No. 7, ja, col: V,=Zain, cols. I, I
(Weber); a displacement of the two bars produced the Driividi letter, col. V, a; from
this was derived, the letter being made with one stroke of the pen, the ja of the
northern Brihmi, col. V, 6, with a loop, for which, owing to the use of ink, a dot wag
substituted in theja ofcol, V, ¢ The usual Girnar form, col. V, d, was slso derived
from the Driivida form, the letter being made with two strokes of thé pen.

25

No. 8, gha, col. V, a, &,=Cheth, cole. I, IL (Taylor), the Semitic sign being laid
on its side, col. IV (om account of its often sloping position), and the upper horizontal
bar being changed into a vertical—No. 9, tha, col. V,=Theth, col. I (Weber), w.th
the substitution of a dot for the cross in the centre, jush asin the Assyrian letter, col.
IfI.—No: 10, ya, col. V;=Yod (Weber), the Yod of cols. I, II, being laid on its side,
eol. IV, the central stroke being lengthened ; and. tha pendant on the right being turned
upwards, hence first the yaof col. V, a, and later the cursive forms in col. V, 0, «.
—No, 11, ka, col. V, a, 6,=Kaph, the upper side-bar of a form like that in col. II,
having been converted into the top of the vertical, and the sign being then set up
straight.—No. 12, Ia, col. V,—Lamed, cols. I, If (Weber), preserved in its original
position in the slightly differentiated [| of the Dravidi, col. VI (see below, B, 4, ¢), and
in the Eran from, col. IV, with the Serif on tha top of the curve, turned from right
to leffin the usual form of the Asoka edicts, cal V, a, and turned with a tail on the right,
but without the Serif, in the Drividil, col. V, &.—No 12, ma, col. V,= Mem (Weber), derived
from a form like that in col. H, with the change of the bant pendant into a loop, as in
the hypothetical form in col. IV (analogous development in Euting, TSA. col. 58, a), and
with superposition of the angleon the loop, col. V, a (analogous development in Enuting,
TSA. col. 59, c), whence the cursive form with semicircle at the top in col. V,b.—No 14,
na, col. V,=Nun (Taylor), the Nun in cols. I, II, baing turned topsy-turvy as in col.
IV, and the hook at the foot being converted into a straight stroke, for which
development the nz, col. VI, a, formed out of the hypothetical sign by a regularisation
of the book and the addition of a differontiating bar at the top (sea below B, 4, d), appears
to ba a wibneas.

No. 15, sa, ga, cols. V, IV,—Samekh (Weber doubtfully): oa Samekh like that of
col. I, 4, being made cursive by the Hindus, as shownin col. IV, and turned topsy-turvy,
[14] whereby the Dravida ¢, col. V, was obtained, whicn originally served both fors
and §. Later, this sign was divided into the signs for the etymologically connected sa
and sa. By transferring the cross-bar to the outside of the curve, arose the sa of the
southern Brahmi in col. VI, a, and (turned round) thatin col. VI, 5, whila the removal
of the bar tothe inside of the curve produced the ga ofthe same script, col. VI, o. The
Dravidi adopted the new sa for its 3s, and retained the old sign for s. The northern
Briihmi developed ouf of the southern sa that with the curve, col. VI, d, and out
of this a new ga, col. VI, ¢. An immediate derivation of the Drivida s from the Samekh of
the sixth century B.C. in col. III. is not possible, for the reasons stated under No. 5,
and because the characteristic ancient cross-bar is wanting in it—No. 16, E, col. V,=Ain,
cols. I, IL (Weber), the Indian sign being changed slightly or motat all in tha ancient
forms of Kiilsi, col, IV andecol. V, &, a3 well as in that of Saiicl and Hathigumphii,
eol V, a, bul later made triangular, col. V, c, d, ¢, inorder toavoid a confusizn with tha and
dha.—No. 17. pa, ool. V,=Phe, cola. I, IL (Weber), turned topay-turvy ; in ite original
position in the Eray form, col. IV ; turned sideways in col. V.

No, 15, ca, col. V,=T'sede, cols. I, II, turned topey-turvy, the second hook on the right
being bent at the same time towards the vertical as in the hypothetical form of ool. IV,

29
whence arose, with the turn sideways, the angular or round ca of the Brahmi in col.
V, a, 6, and the tailed one of the Driividi, col. V, a—No. 19, kha, col. V,=Qoph, cols.
I, IJ, turned topsy-turvy with the addition of a curve at the top, col, V, a, in order to dis-
tinguish the letter from va, Owing to the use of ink, the circle at the foot was converted into
a dot, col. V, b.—No, 20, ra, col. V,=Zesh, cols. I, IL (Waber), the triangular head of the
letter being opened and the vertical attached to the base of the former triangle, whence arose
the forms in col. V,a, 5, and later the ornamental ones, col. V, c¢, d, in which the
angles were repeasted.—No. 21, 4a, col, V,=Shin, cols. I, IL (Weber), the two angles,
standing side by side, being placed the one insida the other, and the sign being then turned
topsy-turvy, col. V,a,5,¢. The more closely resambling Aramaic Shin of the Sixth century
B.C., col. III, cannot be the prototype of ga, for the same reasons as those stated above
under No. 5, and is merely an analogous transformation, which the Arameans, Phoenicians
and Ethiopians have made independently at yarious periods. The older form with two
angles has been preserved. in the western sign for 100=su(see my Indian Studies, IIr.3
71, 117).—No. 22, ta, col. V,=Taw, cols. LIL (Weber); from a form like that of Sinjirli,
col. III, }, or the Assyrian of the time of Salmanassar, col. III, a, was derived the ta ol
col. V, a, b, and hence the regularized from af col. V, ¢.

B.—Derivative consonants and initial vowels.
The derivative signs, invented by the Hindus themselves, have bean formed by
means of the following contrivances :-—
(1) One of the elements of a phonetically cognate letter is transposed: (a) in
sa and sa, where the cross-bar of the oldest sign has boen displaced (saa above, A,
No. 15); (6) io da, which has been derived from dha (Weber) by dividing the vertical
stroke, and by attaching the two pieces to the upper and lower ends of tha curve,
whance fires the di of the Drayidi and of the Patna seal. No. 4, col. VI, a was derived,
and, with the turn to the left ‘the ordinary form ot the Brahmi, No. 4, col. VI, 6,
and further the angular da, No. 4, col. VI, f.
(2) A borrowed or derivative, letter is mutilated in order to obtain one with @
similar phonetic value? (a)»fromeeds, No. ¢, col. VI, a, comes [15] by the removal of
| ‘Kalsi and the later southern inscriptions, col. VI, ¢;
similarly, from the angular da, col. VI, g, the ordinary angular ‘a, col. VI, ht of the
Agoka edicts (Weber) ; (5) from tha, No. 9, eal. V, comes (ha, col VI, a, by the removal of the
central dot ; and from the latter again ta, col. Viped, is derived by bisection, the round tha
being considered as the product of ansunaspirated letter and a curve of aspiration, which
appears (see below, 5) in waives other letters (Weber); (c) from the triangular £E,
No. 16, col. V, ¢ d, ¢, comes the I with three dots, col. VI, B, a, 5, ¢, which just
indicate the ontlines of the older sign (Prinsep), the derivation being suggested by the
fact that gramatically ¢ is tho guna-vowel of i, for which therefore a lighter form of
@ appeared suitable; (d) through o bisection of the lower portion of va, No. 6, col. V,
b, and a straightening of the remaining pendant, is derived U, col. VI, a (see my
Indian Studies, III 2. 74), the derivation being suggested by the fact that « commonly

:
W

= |

30

represents va in weak grammatical forms (sayprasGrana): (e) if the later small circle
(pl. IV, 88, VI) is the original form of the Anusvara, No. 13. col. VI, a, 6, and the
dot a cursive substitute, the sign may be explained as a mutilated small mda, which has
lost the angle at the top, and has been thus treated like the small vowellesa consonant
appearing in the inscriptions of the first centuries A. D. (see, e. g.. pl. ILI, 41, VIII);
compare also the derivation of the Kharogthi Anusviira from ma (see below, §9, B, 4).

(3) Short horizontal strokes, which originally, before the change in the direction of
the writing, stood on the left, are used to deriva the long vowels A, No. 1, col. VI, and JU,
No. 6, col. VI, d, from short Aand U. On account of the peculiar shape of J, a dot is used
instead for the formation of I, No. 16, col. VI, B, g.

(4) Short horizontal strokes, originally added on the right, denote a change in the
quality of the sounds : (a) in O, No. 6, col. VI, f, g, derived from U, col. VI, a (with the bar
in the original and the later position), because grammatically o is the guna-vowel of «;
(6) in AI, No. 16, col. VI, A, b, derived from E, because grammatically ai is the vrddhi-vowel
of ¢; (c) in the ? of the Drividi, No. 12, col. VI, from the original form of la (Lamed),
cola. I, I, in which case the bar still stands on the right, because the letter bas not been
turned ; (d) in ma, No. 14, col. VI, a, from the original inverted Nun, col. IV 5 compare
above under A, No, 14; (¢) in tia (see my Indian Studies, ITI. 2, pp. 31, 76; also page 35
below, $16, C, 12) from na, No. i4, col. V, with a displacement of the lower horizontal sibs
towards the right, the letter being kept in its original position ; (f) in ua, No. 14, col. VI,
6, from na, the bar protruding at both sides of tha vertleal in order to avoid the identity with
na, ne and O,

(5) The aspiration is expressed by a curve in the gh of the Drividi, No. 3, col. VI,
formed out of g, and in the ordinary Brahmi dha, No. 4, esl. VI, d, from da, col. VI, ¢,
jn pha, No, 17, col. VI, from pa, col. V, and in cha, No. 18, _col. VI, a; in the last sign the
curve has been attached to both wiry of the vertical, a sti proceeding led to the develop-
ment of the cursive cha of col, VI, b. More rarely a ‘ds substituted for the curva,
and then the original sign is mutilated ; thus bhajebi 2, col. VI, is derived from ba by
omitting the base stroke, and jha, No. 7, ‘ocltys,4 : _Dravidwy, col, V,a, by dropping
both bars at the ends of the vertical. Both thé hook and the curve are cursive substitutes
for ha, which in the Tibetan alphabet*? is used again in a order to formigha, bha, &e.

(6) [16] The Ja of the Brahmi, No. 4, ‘tol. VI, ¢, has been « derived, by the addition of
a small semicirele, for which we have an angle fins (pl. IT, 41, XVII), from the
half round da of col. VI, c, the deri no bei: very [ obably suggested by the phonetic
affinity of da to Ja, which two letters are frequently exchanged in Vedic and classical Sanskrit
and in the Prikrt dialacts.

= pe
C—Medial vowels and absence of vowel in ligatures.
(1),—The sysbent, ‘of the Bribmi.
In accordance with the expressions of t 6 Sanskrit phonologists and grammarians, who
take into account the spdken language alona® : who call tho k-sound ka-kira, the g-sound

. Lo

-*

a1

expressed by the stroke which distinguishes A from A,

The other medial vowels are either the full initial yowel-signs or cursive derivatives
from them, which are placed mostly at the top or rarely at the foot of the consenants. The
identity of the medial o with the initial O is distinctly recognisable in all letters with
verticals at the top, as in ko, No. 6, col. VI, 4, ¢, where, on the removal of the dagger-shaped
i below the second cross-bar, the signs in col. VI, /, g, reappear ; compare also go in mago,
Girnar edict I, line 11, where an initial O has been placed above g. In the Jaugada edicts,
where only the 0 of col. VI, f, occurs, the medial o has invariably the same form. But in
Girnar we have bath forms of o, though there is only the O of col. VI, g. Similarly, the full
‘nitial U is recognisable in the combinations with consonants ending in verticals, a3 in iu,
pl. 11, 9, Vi du, 20, VIT; du, 25, V : bh, 31, IIT, V (compare § 16, D, 4); andin tho dhu of
Kilsi, No. 6, col. VI, 6: more usually « is represented cursively, either by the horizontal
stroke of U, as in dhu, No. 6, col. VI, ¢, or by its vertical as in cu, pl. If, 18, ITI, and dhw,
96, II, &c. Medial w is identical with U, if combined with consonants ending in verticals ;
elsewhere it is eursively expreseed by two lines, commonly placed horizontally, as in dhu,
No, 6, col. VI, ¢ : but in the later inscriptions we occasionally find the [ of the period
used for the medial vowel.*5 Medial i was probably at first expressed by the three dota of
the initial I (Ki, No. 16, col. VI, B, d), which afterwards were joined cursively by lines and
converted into the angle used in most of the ASoka edicts (ki, col. VI, B, e). The medial 7
has been developed out of the latter form by the addition of a stroke, indicating that the
vowel is long (ki, col. VI, B, f; see above, under B, 3). Inorder to express medial 4, the
triangle of the initial F bas heen reduced cursively firat to an angle, open on the left, as in
ge, pl. If, 11, ITT, and more commonly to a straight line (ke, No. 16, col. VI, A, a). In
accordance with the form of the initial AJ, which consists of H and ao horizontal bar, medial
ai is expressed by two parallel horizontal strokes (thai, No. 16, col. VI, A, e).

The absence of a ie x — by interlacing the sign for the consonants
immediately following each other, afd in suoh ligatures the second sign is offen muti-
lated: see below, $ 16, Ew 2. This ding appears to bea a practical illustration

of the term samywktik3ar a ed or ligature syllable,” by which the phonologists
and grammarians denote a syllak

ga-kara, &e., the medial a is inherent in all consonants, and consequently medial @ is

; with more consonants than one,
S 9.—The sys em ‘of the Dravid.

The notation of the wuagiydle ils hs __insoriptions of Bhattiprolu differs
from the usual one in so far as medi ‘a is”m@arked by tho Brahmi sign for @, and
medial a by a horizontal stroke from th “end of which a vertical one hangs down ; see

ka, pL qi, 0, KIII F ka, a, XIV. Henoa the ¢ Ons OTe a nave no inherant a. The divetin is
no doubt of later origin, and has been invented.in order to av

ming of the Semitic Alphabet.5*
of the Brahma

§ 6—The time and the manner of
[17] According to the preceding ©

my the great tmajo is
letters agree with the oldest types ) son

orth-Semitic

2 ~

"e as wal

_ .
2

the archaic Phoenician inscriptions and on the atone of Mesa, incised about B.C. 890,
But two characters, jia and fa, are derived from- Mesopotamian forms of He and Taw,
which belong tothe middle of the eighth century B.C., and two, sa-s2 and éa, resemble
Aramaic signs of the sixth century B. ©. Ag the literary and epigraphic evidence
leaves no donbt that the Hindus were not unlettered during the period B.C. 600-500, and
as the other signs of the Aramaic alphabet of this period, such os Beth, Daleth, Waw, &e,
are too far advanced to be considered as the prototypes of the corresponding EBrihma
letters, it becomes necessary to regard the seemingly modern forma of sa, sa and éa ag
the resulta of an Indian development, analogous to that of the corresponding Aramaic
characters. This assumption, of course, remains tenable only as long as the two Aramaic
letters are not shown to be more ancient by new epigraphic discoveries, which event, to
judge from the results of the Sinjirli finds, does not seem to be impossible. But, for
the present, they must be left out of consideration in fixing the terminvs a quo for the
importation of the Semitic alphabet into India: and this terminus falla between tho time
of the incision of Mesa's ingeription and of those on the Assyrian weights, from about B.C.
890 toabhont B.C, 750, probably a little more towards the lower than towards the upper
limit, or, roughly reckoning, about B.C. 800. And various circumstances make it probable
that this was actually the time when the Semitic letters became known to the Hindus,

As the ha and the fa of the Brihmi are derived from forms of He and Taw
not found in the Phoenician inscriptions but only in Mesopotamia, it appears probable
that this is the Semitic country from which the letters were brought over.?* It agrees
with thia inference, that the most ancient Indian works speak of sea-voyages in the
Indian Ocean at a very early period, and sea-borne trade, carried on by Hindu Vanias
in the same waters, is mentioned in later, but still ancient, times. The well-known
Biveru Jitaka®® bears witness toan early export trade of the Vanias to Babylon; and
the form of the word, in which the second part ilu is represented by erm, points to its having
arisen in Western India, where ra is occasionally substituted for ja, as inthe Girnair and
Shibbazgarhi form Turamaya for Piolemaios, Several other Jatakas, eg, No. 463, which
describe sea- voyages, name the ancient ports of We t tr India, Bharukasaecha (tha modern
Broach) and Stirparaka(now Supira), whic Gatittes Of thé trade with the Persian
Gulf in the firat centuries A.D, and much As according - the Jitakas the Vanias
started oe these corns, it is Probar be = trade- routes were used much sarlior,

Brabwans to undertake voyages “by sea ee a severa penance ped ry eves of
the rule, But he admits, I, 2,4, that the aaa ad were not strict in this respect,
As the other offences of the “HN mentioned in the same passage, such as
dealing in wool, selling animals wit th : “rows of teeth, ie. horses and mules, show,
the term applies to the inhabitants of western and north-western India. It naturally
follows that the sea-yoyages rote mz de to western Asia. The same author,
1,18,14, and the still older Gautama DI fitra, . 10, 33, mention the duties payable to
the king on merchandifs imported by Be accordance with my estimate of the age

; *%

$4

ol the Dharmasiitras and of the materials out of which the Jitakas have been made
up, I look upon these statements as referring ta the Sth-fth centuries B.0.3 From still
eatlier times dates the well-known Vedic myth of the shipwreck of Bhujyn “in the
oeean where there is no support, no reat for the foot or the hand,” and of his being
saved on the “hundred-oared gallay" of the Advins.®® The scene of action must of courge
lie in the Indian Ocean, and the story pointa to the inference [18] that the Hindus
navigated these waters during the earliest Vedic period. Az, in addition, Semitic legends
such as thatof the Flood andof Manu's preservation by a miraculous fish occur in the
Brihmanas,’?° we have a sufficient number of facts to furnish some support for the
conjecture that Hindu traders, who probably learnt the language of the country, just as
their modern descencants learn Arabic and Suahili and other African languages, may have
imported from Mesopotamia not only the alphabet, but perhaps also other technical contri-
vances, such ag brick-making which was so important for the construction of the ancient
Brahmanical altars. With this assumption, which under the circumstances stated appears
at least not quite uufounded, the Indian Vinias are credited with having rendered the
game gervica to their countiymen which Sambhota or Thonmi did to the Tibetans, when
he fetched the elements of their alphabet from Magadha, between A.D. 630 and 660.9"

In any case, it ig a priori probable that the Viinias were the firat to adopt the
Semitic alphabet®?; for they, of course, came moet into contact with foreigners, and
they must hava felt most strongly the want of some means for recordirg their busipess
transactions. The Brahmans wanted the art of writing lesa urgently, since they possessed,
as passages of the Regveda show,?* from very early times a system of oral tradition for
the preservation of their literary treasures.

Nevertheless, the oldest known form of the Brahmi is, withouta doubt, a script
framed by learned Brahmans for writing Sanskrit. This assertion is borne out not only
by the remnants of the Gayl alphabet of ASoka’s stone-masons,, which must have
contained signa for the Sanskrit vowela AI and AU, and which is arranged according to
phonetic principles, but also by the influence of phonetic and grammatical principles
which is clearly discernible in the formation of the derivative signs. The hand of the
phonologist and grammarian is re eable in the following points; (1) the development
of five nasal letters and of a sign for nasalisation in general from two Semitic signs, a8 well as
of a complete set of signa for the long yowels,”* which latter are very necessary for the phono-
logiat and grammarian, but not for men of business, and are therefore unknown in other ancient
alphabets ; (2) the derivation of the signs for the phonetically very different, but gramma-
tically cognate, sa and sa from one Semitic sign (Samekh) ; (3) the notation ol U by the
half of va, from which the yowel is frequently derived by samprasirana ; (4) the derivation of
O from U (o being the guna-vowel of #) by the addition of a stroke ; of I by a simplification
of the sign for its gupa-vowel EH; of AI, the vyddhi-vowel, from E the gupa-vowel of I;
and of Ja from qa, the former consonant being frequently a substitute for the
latter, ag in ile for ide; (5) the non-expression of medial a, in accordance with the
teaching of the grammatians who consider it to inhere in every consonant ; the
expression of medial @ by the difference ‘botweon A and A, and of the remaining medial
5

al tpt

34

vowels by combinations of the initial ones, or of cursive simplifications of the same, with the
consonants, as well ag of the absence of vowels by ligatures of the consonants, which
apparently illustrate the grammatical term samyuki@kgara. All thia has so learned an
appearance and is so artificial that it can only have been invented by Pandits, nob by traders
orclerks. The fact that the Vanias and the accountants until recent times used to omit all
medial vowels in their correspondence and ‘account books, permits even the inference that
an Indian alphabet, elaborated by such men, would not possess any such vowel-signs.
And it is immaterial for the correctness of this inference, whether tha modern defective
writing isa survival from the most ancient period or is due to the introduction of the
Arabic alphabet in the middle ages.

A prolonged period must, of course, have elapsed between the first introduction of the
Semitic alphabet by the merchants, its adoption by the Brahmans which probably did not
take place at once, and the elaboration of the 46 radical signs of the Brahmi together with
its system of medial vowels and ligatures.

Aa, according to the resulta of the preceding enquiry, the elaboration of the Brahmi
was completed about B. 0, 500, or perbaps even earlier, the terminus a quo, about B, ©. 800,
may be considered as the actual date of the introduction of the Semitic alphabet into India,
This estimate is, however, [19] merely o provisional one, which may ba modified by the
discovery of new epigraphic documents in India or in the Semitic countries. If such a
modification should become necessary, the resulta of the recent finds induce me to believe
that the date of the introduction will prove to fall earlier, and that it will hava to be fixed
perbaps in the tenth century B.C., or even before that.

IIl.—THE KHAROSTHI SCRIPT.
§ 6.—How it was deciphered,

The Indian alphabet running from right to left, the Kharogtht lipi,"> has been
deciphered exclusively by European scholars among whom Masson, J. Pringep, Oh. Lassen,
E Norris, and A. Cunningham must be particularly mentioned.®® The coins of the Indo-
Grecian and Indo-Scythian kings with Greek and Prikrt inscriptions furnished the first clue
to the value of the lettets. The results, which the idemfifications of the royel names and
titles seemed to furnish, were partly confirmed, partly rectified and enlarged, by the
discovery of the Shithbazgarhi version of the ASoka edicts and E, ©. Bayley’s Kangra
ingeription in Brahmi and Kharosthi. The characters of the ASoka edicta are readable with
full cortainty, with the exception of a few ligatures (see below, $11, 0, 8, 4). Similarly, the
inscriptions of the Sakas offer no difficultie 5, and the new MS. of the Dhammapada from
Kbotan®? is in general not difficult to read. But considerable portions of the insériptions of
the Parthian Guduphara and of the Kugina kings Kanigka and Huvigka, still resist the
attempts of decipherers and interpreters.

$ 7.—Use and characteristics.

In its form, known to us at present, the Kharosthi is an ephemeral, chiefly epigraphic,
slphabet of North-Western India. The majority of the inscriptions written in Kharosthi

85

have been found between 69°—73°30'E. Long. and 33°—95° N. Lat., in the ancient province of
Gandbiira, the modern eastern Afghanistan and the Northern Pafijab; and the oldest
documents are confined to the districts the capitals of which wera Taxila (Shih-Deri) to the
east of the Indus, and FPuskalivati or Carsidii (Hashtnogar) to the west of the river.
Single inscriptiona have turned up further south-west in Bhawalpur near Multan, south
in Mathurii, and south-east in Kangra, and single words or lettera in Bharahut, Ujjain and
Maistr (Siddiipura ASoka edicts**). Coins, cameos and MSS. with Kharosthi characters
have been carried much further north and north-east. The period during which, according
to the documentary evidence at present available, the Kharogthi seems to have been used in
India, extends from the fourth century B.C. to about the third century A.D., the earliest
letters occuring on the Persian sigoli (§ 8) and the latest perhaps on the Gandhira seulptures
and the Kusioa inscriptions.”? As the note in the Fawansbulin of A.D. 665 (sea above, 3 1)
shows, the Euddhists preserved a knowledge of the existence of the alphabet much longer.

Hitherto, the Kharosthi has been found (1) in stone-inscriptions, (2) on metal plates
and vases, (3) on coins, (4) on cameos, and (5) om o longer known small piece of birch
bark from a Stipa in Afghanistan?°° and on the Bhiirja MS. of the Dhammapada from
Khotan. The latter MS. has probably been written in Gandbara during the Kusiina period.
The dislect of its text shows characteristic affinities to that of the Shihbazgarhi version of
the Agoka edicts, and its characters agree very closely with those of the Wardak yase.°! On
the metal plates and vases, [20] the letters frequently conaist of rows of dots, or have been
first punched in this manoer and afterwards scratched in with a stilus’®®, On stone vases
‘they are sometimes written with ink, +°4

In spite of its frequent utilisation for epigraphic doouments. the Kharo${hi ig 8
popular script, destined for clerks and men of business. This is proved by the throughout
highly cursive character of the letters, by the absence of long vowels, which are useless for
the purposes of common daily life, by the expression of groups of unaspirated double
consonants by single ones (ka for kka) and of unaspirated and aspirated ones by the latter alone
(kha tor kkha), and by the invariable use of the Anuaviira for all vowelless medial nasals.*°*
The discovery of the Khotan M5. makes it very improbable that there existed another form of
the script which, being more similar to the Brahmi in completeness, would have been
more suitable for the Brahmanical Sastras.

= =| 8.—Origin' ">

The direction of the Kharogthi from right to left made ita priori highly probable that
its elomenta had been borrowed from the Semites ; and the almost exact agreement of the
forms for na, ba, ra and va with Aramaic signs of tha transitional type induced E. Thomas
to assume a closer connection of the Kharogthi with this alphabet!’®, His view has never
been disputed ; but of late it has been given a more precise form by I. Taylor and A.
Cunningham, who assign the introduction of the Aramaic letters into India to the firet
Akbsacomenians'®. The reasons which may be adduced for this opinion are as follows :—
(1) The Aéoka edicts from the western Pafijiib use for “writing, edict,” the word dips, which
evidently has been borrowed from the Old Persian, and they deriva from it the verbs dipati,

uG

‘be writes’ and dipapati, “he causes to write :"" see above, $ 2, B. (3) The districts where
Kharogthi inseriptions occur, especially in earlier times, are just those parts of India which
probably were subject to the Persians, be it with or without interroptions, from about B. C.
500 to 331, (3) Among the Persian sigloi, there are soma marked with singla syllables in
Kharosthi and Bribmi!®*, whence it may be inferred that they were struck in India during
the Persian period, and that the Kharosthi waa current during a great part of the fourth century
B.C., certainly before the fall of the Persian empire in B.C. 931. Some considerable variations
in the Kharosthi letters of the Asoka edicts,as well as the strongly cursive forms of several
ligatures, such as sta, spa dc. (see below, $ LI, 0, 2, 3), likewise point to the conclusion that
the alphabet had had a long history before the middle of the third century B,O. (4) Recent
discoveries in Semitic epigraphy make it extromely probable that the Aramaic, which was

used already in Assyria and Babylon for official and business purposes side by side with the
- euneiform writing, was very widely spread during the rule of the Akhaemenians. Numerous
Aramaic inscriptions of this period have been found in Bgypt, Arabia, and Asia Minor, and
ons even in Persia. Besides, Egypt bas furnishnd a number of official Aramaic papyri, and.
Asian Minor many coins with Aramaic legends, struck by Persian satraps’"®, In addition, there
is the curious statement in the Book of Ezra, IV, 7, according to which the Samaritans sent to
Artaxerxes s letter written in the Arami script and language. Taking all these points together,
there are sufficient reasons to warrant the assertion that Aramaic was commonly employed not
only in the offices of the satraps, but also in the royal secretariate at Suga, The ultimate cause
for the official use of the Aramaic ecript and language during the Akhaemenian pariod was, no
doubt, that numerous Aramaeans held appointments as clerks, accountants, mint-masters and
so forth in the Persian Civil Service. {|91] When the Persian empire was rapidly built up on
the ruins of more ancient monarchies, its ralers musb have found the employment of the
trained subalterns of the former governments, among whom the Aramaeans were foremost,
not only convenient, but absolutely unavoidable. In these circumstances, it is but natural
to assume that, after the full organisation of the administration by Darius, the Persian satraps
introduced Aramaean subordinates into the Indian provinces, and thereby forced their
Indian subjects, especially the clerks of the native princes and of the heads of towns and
villages, to learn Aramaic. At first, the intercourse between the Persian and the Indian offices
probably led to tha use of the Aramaic lettera for the north-western Prikl, and later
to modifications of this alphabet, which were made according to the principles of the older
Indian Brabmi!!", and through which the Kharogthi finally arose. The adoption of the
Arabic alphabet, during the middle ages and in modern times, for writing a number of Indian
dialects, is somewhat analogous, as it likewise happened under foreign pressure, and as
its characters were and are used either without or with modifications. (5) With these
last conjectures agrees the general character of the Kharosthi, which is clearly intended for
clerks and men of business; see above, 37. (6) Finally, they are confirmed by tho
circumstance that the majority of the Kharosthisigns can be most easily derived from the
Aramaic types of the fifth century B.C. which appear in the Saqqfirah and Teima inscriptions
of B. ©. 482 and of about B. C. 500, while a few letters agree with somewhat earlior forma
on the later Assyrian woights and the Babylonian seals ond gems, and two or threa are more:

a7

closely allied t2 the later signs of the Lesser"Teima inscription, the Stele Vaticana, and the
Libation-table from the Serapeum. The whole ductus of the Kharosthi, with its long-drawn
and long-tailed letters, is that of the characters on the Mesopotamian weights, seals and
cameos, which re-ocours in the inscriptions of Saqqarah, Teima and the Serapeum. Others?**
have compared the writing of the Aratmate papyri from Egypt, which partly at least, like the
Taurinengis, belong to the Akhasmenian period. But it does not suit so well, Many of its
signs are 680 Very cursive that they cannot be considered as the prototypes of the
Kharosthi letters, and its ductus is that of a minute current handwriting. Some special
resemblances appear to be, on & closer investigation, the results of analogous developments.
Taking all these points together, the Kharo§thi appears to have bean elaborated in the fifth
cantury B.O.
§ 9.—Details of the derivation:

The subjoined comparative, table illustrates the details of the derivation. The signs in
col. IL have been taken (with tha exception of No. 10, col. I,a) from Mauting’s Tabula
Soripturae Aramaicae, 1992, cols. 6, 8, 9, L1 and 12; those in col. II, from the same work,
cols, 13, 14, 15, 17, 19 and those in cols. IIT, IV from plate | of thia manual; and all have
been reproduced by photolithography.

A.—Borrowed signs.)!*.

Preliminary remarks.—Tie changes of the Aramaic signs have been caused chiefly by
the following principles: (1) by o decided predilection for long-tailed signs with appendages
at the upper end, the foot being left free for the addition of , ra and the Anusvara, and by
an aversion to appendages at the foot alone ; (2) by an aversion to signs with heads con-
taining more than two lines rising upwarde, [29] or with transverse strokes through the
top-line, or with pendants hanging down from it,—all of which peculiarities would hava
been awkward for the insertion of the yowels i, ¢ and o; (3) by @ desire to differentiate
the signa which, altered according to these principles, would have become identical.

No. 1, A, ool, ILI,= Aleph, col. I, a (Saqqarah), with a cursive change of the head
to a curve; the position and the size of the letter make o connection with the forms in col,
I, 5, or col. IT, improbable.—No. 2, ba, col. III,=Beth, col. I, a, 6 (Teima, Saqqgirab), with
a cursive curve for the angle aot the right ; the cursive forms of the Beth of the papyri, [93]
col. TI, 5, ¢, are further developed than the Kharosthi signs.—No. 3, 9% col. III,=Gimel,
derived from col. I. or a similar form (compare col. II, and Enuting, TSA. 1, a), with a
cursive loop on the right and a curve on the left ; similar loops are common in later ligatures,
see pl. I, 33, 45, 35, XTi: B34, XIII; and they occur even in ja, ph. 1,13, SIL—No. 4,
da, col. III,=Daleth, derived from s form like that in col. II, 6, which, according to col.
I, a, cecurs already about B. G. 6C0 on Assyrian weights.—No. 5, ha, eol. III,=He, derived
from a form like that in col. I, a (Teima), with the transposition of the pendant in the middle
of the curve to the right end of the foot in order to {facilitate the insertion of #, ¢ and o
(seo preliminary remarks, 2, page 20f., above, and below under No. 17).—No. 6, va, col. III,

= Waw, col. I (Teime, Saquitrah); the papyri in col, I. show more wivaneed forms.

38

No, 7, ja, col, II, a,=Zain, derived from a form like those in col. I, a, b (Teima),
the leit corner being turned upwards still further, whence the usual Eharosthi letter in
eol. ITI. is derived by omitting the stroke at the foot; the papyri, col. II, show more

— £¢

7
IT
j
1
|
y
10
1A
1A
7
y
7
7
>
9

advanced forms unsuitable for comparison.—No. 8, 44, col. ILl,=Cheth, col. I (Teima), the
sound of the Indian $a being very similar to a palatal Xa, as in German ich.—No. 9, ya,
col. IIT,= Yod, derived either from a form like col. I, &, or directly from one like ool. I, a
(Assyrinn weights), with the omission of the bar on the right (see preliminary remarks, 1) :

analogous forms occurring in later Palmyranian and Pahlavi (E.TSA. cols. 21-25, 30-92,
95-39, 58).—No. 10, ka, col. ILI,=Kaph, derived by a turn from right to left from col. I, 6
(Assyrian weights, Babylonian seals, &c.), and with the addition of a top-stroke, in order
to distinguish the new sign from la (No. 11, col. ITI) and from pa (No. 15, coll. TII); the
signs of the papyri, col. II, differ entirely.—No. 11, la, col. III,—Zamed, o form like those
in col. I, a, ¢ (Teima) being turned topsy-turvy owing to the aversion to signs with appendages
at the foot alone (preliminary remarks, 1), and the curved line being broken and attached
lower in order to distinguish the new letter from A.

No. 12, ma, col. III, a, b,= Mem, derived from a form like that in col. I, a, 5 (Saqqirah)
with a curved head, by the omission, of the transverse line and a rudimentary indication of
the vertical standing originally on the right, whence comes the semicircular ordinary ma of
the ASoka edicts, col. III, ¢, still more mutilated on account of the vowel-signs ; the forms
of the Mem of the Papyri, col. II, are unsuited to be considered the prototypes of the Kharogthi
ma.—No. 18, na, col. III, a =Nun, col. I, a, 5 (Saqqirah), a later derivative being the na
of col, III, &; the Nun of the papyri, col. IT, is again unsuited for comparison.—No. 14, sa,
col, II],=Samekh, ool. I (Teima), with transposition of the slanting bar to the leftendof the _
top-stroke from which it hangs down, and with connection of its lower end with the tail of
the sign, which has been pushed forward towards the left (see the figures in B.1S. IT. 2; 105) ;
analogous developments appear in Nabataean (BE. TSA. cols. 45, 47) and in Hebrew.—No. 15, pa,
col. III, a,= Phe, col. I (Teima), turned from right to left to distinguish it from 4; in the more
usual pa of col. III, b, the curve has been pushed lower dowr.—No. 16, ea, col. IIT, =Tsade,
derived from an acute-angled from like col. I, a, 6 (Teima), with the omission of the second hook
on the right (see preliminary remarks, 2) and with the development of a hook below the head,
because the vertical was made separately; the analogous Tsade of col. LU, 5, has been
developed, because the right stroke of the bead was made separately ond drawn to the
vertical.

No. 17, kha, col. III,=Qoph, derived from a form like col. I, a, 6 (Serapeum) with the
conversion of the central pendant into an elongation of the top-stroke on the left; similarly,
the pendant has been transferred to the right end of the letter in the Teima form (EB TSA.
col. 10).—No, 19, ra, col. III,=Zesh, col. I, a, b (Saqaiirah), with complete removal of the
angular protuberance on the right—No. 19, ga, col. III,=Shin, col. I (Teima), turned topsy-
turvy owing to the aversion to tops with more than two strokea rising upwards (preliminary
remarks, 2), and with a lengthening of the central stroke owing to the predilection for long-
tailed signs. —No. 20, #2, col. IT,—Tew, derived from a form like that in col. I, a (Assyrian
weights) or in col. I, } (Saqqirah), with the transposition of the bar to the top of the [24]
vertical, as in col. II, a, the new sign at the same time being turned from right to left in
order to avoid the resemblance to pa (No. 15), and being broadened in order to distinguish it
from va and ra (Nos. 6, 18); the older form and the intermediate steps appear in tha
(No. 20, col. IV, a) and ta (No. 20, col. IV, 6) where the original Taw. has been preserved,
and in ta (No. 20, col. IV, ¢) where the bar stands at the top; compare below, B, I, ¢,
and B, 2.

B.— Derivative Signs.

(1) Aspiration.—The aspiration is expressed by the addition of a curve or a hook,
which probably represent a cursive ha (Taylor), and for which cursively a simple stroke
appears ; at the same timo, the original maiyka@ is sometimes simplified—(a) A curve or
hook is added to the right of the vertical of ga in gha, No. 3, col. IV, to the top of da in dha,
No. 4. col. IV; a, and to the end of the second bar of (a, No. 20, col. IV, c, from which it rises
upwards, in tha, No. 20, col. IV, d (properly tho)—{4) A hook, a curve, or cursively a
a slanting stroke, appears to the right of ba in bha, No. 2, col. IV, a, 6, the head of ba being
converted at the same time into a straight line and pushed somewhat more to the left, in
order to avoid the identity with ka, No. 10, cots ITI—(e) In the following aspiratea appear
only curzive straight strokes, added on the loft-in jha, No. 7, col. IV, and pha, No. 16, col.
TV, and on the right in cha, No. 16, col. IV, dha, No: real IV, ¢, and tha, No. 20, col. IV, a,
all of which letters show, however, additional peculiarities. 3. Invha, the little pendant on
the left of ca has beeen made horizontal and combined with the stroke of aspiration to a cross
bar. In dha, the head of da hos been flattened into a straight line, Tha bas been formed
out of the ancient Aramaic Taw, No. 90, col. I,a, turned from right to left, and the stroke
of aspiration continues the bar of Taw towards the right.

(2) Linguals.—ta bas been formed out of the older Taw, turned from the right to
the left, by the addition of a short bar, which in the ASoka edicts usually stands on the right
and lower than that on tho left, as in No. 20, col. IV, 5. Incol. IV, ¢, the sign of lingualisa-
tion stands on the left, below the fa with the bar at the top. This form of ta, which
appears rarely in the ASoka edicts, must formerly have been common, as the tha has been
derived from it (eee above, B, 1, a) The da of No. 4, col. IV, 6, exactly resembles the
common Aramaic Daleth in col. I, : (Teima) and may be identical with it. If the alphabet
imported into India contained two forms for da (col. I, a, 6), both may have been borrowed,
and the more eumbrous one may have been used for the expression of the fuller sound. It is,
however, also possible that the da has been formed out of the da of No. 4, col. ITI, a, by the
addition of the bar of lingusligation, placed vertically on the right. The ya, No, 13, col. LV,
a, is likewise derived from na, col. ITI, a }, by the addition of a straight stroke going down-
warda ; compare what has been said above, $4, B, 4, regarding the use of a short stroke for
denoting the change of the quality of a borrowed, or derivative sign in forming the AJ, 0,
fia, ia and wa of the Brahmi.

(3) The palatal fia, No. 18, col. IV, 5, c, Schoadabe of two na (col, ITT, a) joinad together
(EB. Thomas), and illustrates the modern Indian name for tia and wa, which the Pandits often
call the big naka@ras. The sign, which is really not necessary for a clerk's alphabet, has
perhaps been framed only because it existed in the Brihmi, the Pandit's alphabet.

(4) Medial vowels, absence of vowel in ligatures, and Anusvara,—Long vowels are not
marked, and a inheres, just asin the Brabmi, in every consonant, Other vowels are marked
by straight strokes. In the case of i, the stroke passes through the left side of the top-line
or top-lines of the consonant; in u, it stands to the left of the foot: in ¢, it de: cends on
the left side of the top-line y in o, it hangs down from thia line, see {ho, No. 20, col. IV, d;
for further details see below, $11, B. Joined to A, the game strokes form J, U, E and Q

41

(No. J, col. IV, a-d). The absence of a vowel betwemn two dissimilar consonants, except
nasals, is expressed, as in the Brahmi, by the combination of the two signs into a ligature,
in which the second letter ia usually connected with the lower end of the firat. But ra stands
invariably at the foot of the other consonant, whether it may have to be pronounced before
or after it. Double [25] consonants, except nasals, are expressed by single ones, and non-
aspirates and aspirates by the aspirates alone. Nasals immediately preceding other conzo-
pants, are always expressed by the Anusviira, which, in the ASoka edicts, is attached to the
preceding mairka,

The non-expression of a, and the rules regarding the formation of the ligatures, no doubt,
have been taken over from the Brahmi, only minor modifications being introduced, And
it seems probable that the use of straight strokes for i, w, ¢ and o comes from the same
source. For, already in the Briihmi of all the Asoka edicts, u,eand oare elther regularly or
occasionally expressed by simple strokes, and in Girnfir iis represented by a shallow curve,
often hardly distinguishable from a straight stroke; moreover, i, ¢ and o stand in Brahmi,
just as in the Kharostbi, at the top of the consonants, and u at the foot. A connection of
the two system of medial vowel-signs is therefore undeniable, and that of tha Brihmi must
be regarded as the original one, since its signs, as has been shown above, $4, C. 1, evidently
have been derived from the initial vowels.

The notation of I, U, EB and O by combinations of A with the medial yowel-signa is
peculiar to the Kharosthi, and is attributable to a desire to simplify the alphabet. Among
the later Indian alphabets, the modern Devaniigari offers an analogy with its HT and 4,
and the Gujarati with its wW OK; 2H AI \ OO, and wil AU. Several among the
foreign alphabets derived from the Brahmi, as eg. the Tibatan, show the principle of
the Kharosthi fully developed.

The Anusvira, which is used, as in the Brahmi, for all vowelless nasalz, is derived from
ma (E. Thomas). In mam. No. 12. col. IV, it still bas the full form of ma, but usunlly
it undergoes cursive alteration ; see below, $11, B, 5.

& 10,—The varieties of the Kharogtht of Plate

According to Plate I, the Kharogthi shows four chief varieties, viz.:—(1) the archaic
one of the fourth and third centuries B.C., found in the Asoka edicts of Bhabbazgarhi (photo-
lithograph of edict VII. in ZDMG. 43, 151, and of edict XII. in EI. 1,16) and of Mansehra
(photolithograph of edicts L-VIIL. in JA. 1988, If, 230,=Senart, Notes a’ pigraphie Indienne,
1), with which the signature in the ASoka edicts of Siddapura (photclithographs in EL.
8,138-140), the legends on the oldest coins (autotypes in ©. CAT. pl.3, Nos. 9, 12, 13) and
the syllables on the Persian sigloi (autotypes in J. RAS. 1895, 865) fully agree.

(2) The variety of the second and first centuries B.C. on the coins of the Indo-Grecian ~
kings, which is imitated by some later foreign kings (autotypes in P, Gardner's Catalogue
of Indian Coins in the British Museum, pl. 4-91). |

(3) The variety of the Saka period, firat century B. O. to first century A D. (?), on
the Taxila copper-plate of Patika (lithograph in J. BAS. 1863, 223, pl. 3, and collotype in
EI. 4,56), and on the lion-capital of the satrap Sodasa or Sudasa from Mathurfi, which

6

pits,

49

ocours aleo on soma soulptures from Gandbiira (autotype in J. ASB. 58, 144, pl. 10; Anazeig
phil. hist. Cl. WA. 1896), on the Kaldawa stone (WZEM. 10, 55, $27) and on the coins of
several Saka and Kugiina kings (autotypes, P. Gardner, op. cit., pl. 92-95).

(4) The strongly cursive soript of the firat and second centuries A.D. (?), which begins
with the Takht-i-Bahi inscription of Gondopherres (autotypa in JA. 1890, I, = §.NL 3, pl.
1, No. 1) and is fully developed in the inscriptions of the later KuSina kings Kaniska and
Huviska (autotype of the Zeda inscriptions in JA. 1890, I, = S.NEI. 3, pl. 1, No. 8, of the
Manikyiila stone, JA. 1896, I, = 8.NETI. 6, pl. 1, 2, of the Si Bibi inagcription, TA, 10, 334,
lithograph of the Wardak vase, J.RAS. 1863, 256, pl. 10)!1*, and occurs also in the MS. of the
Dhammapada from EKhotan ; see above, $7.

$ 11.—THE ARCHAIC VARIETY.''*
A.—The radical signs.

(1) [96] A small stroke, rising upwards at an acute angle, may be added at the
foot of every letter ending with a straight or slanting line, in order to mark its end (plate
I, 1,12; 6, 10, Vs 7, 10; 8,11; &c). If a letter ends with two slanting lines, like ya and
fa (84,10), the upstroke may be added to the lelt. In the ASoka edicts of Mansehra, dha
receives instead occasionally a straight base-stroke (18, V).

(2) Ca bas three varieties, (a) head with obtuse angle (10, I. II, IV); (b) head
with curve (10, ¥) ; (¢) head with curve connected by a vertical with the lower part (10, IIT).
—(3) The head of cha ia likewise sometimes anglar (11, I, IV) and sometimes round (11, IT),
and loses occasionally the cross-bar below the head, as in the later types.—(4) The full form
of ja occurs at least once in Shahbazgarhi (19,1, V) and oftener in Mansehra, where once
(edict V, 1.94) the bar stands to the left of the foot. The left side stroke of ja is
often curved (19, ITI)—{5) Im ‘a, the second shortened na (see above, §9, B, 3) is
sometimes added on the right (14, I, V) and sometimes on the lefé (14, ITI, IV). Occasionally,
the right side of the letter is converted cursively into a vertical, aa im the later
inscriptions (14, IX).

(6) The normal form of ta is that of 15,I1,11; but the bar on the left stands
oceasionally lower than that on the right (15, V; 38, II), or both bara stand on the
left (33, V1), or the bar on the right is omitted (commonly in Mansebra) (15, IIT).

(7) Ta (£0) ia mostly shorter and broader than ra (31), and either its two lines
are of equal length, or the vertical one is shorter. Forms like 20, VY, are rare.—(8) Di
(22, II) shows twice, in Shihbiizgarhi edict IV, 1. 8, and Mansebra edict VII, 1, 33
(where the transcript in ZDMG, has erroneously dri), a curve to the right of the foot, which
ig probably nothing but an attempt to clearly distinguish da from na.—(9) Dha with
the left end turned upwards (23, V) is rare and a secondary development (see above, $9, B, 1).
In the abnormal dha of 38, VIII (dhra), from Mansehra, the second bar is a substitute for o
very sharp bend to the left (23, V).—(10) The na with the bent head (24, ITI) occurs not rarely
in the syllable ne.

43

(11) The greatly mutilated ma (29, I) is more common than the forms with remnants
ol the old pendant (compare above, 39, A, No. 13). It appears invariably in connection with
yowel signs and owes its existence to such combinations.

(12) La with a curve on the left, oa in the later inscriptions (32, VIID), is rare in the
Asoka edicts, but occura in Mansehra edict VI, 1. 29.

(13). The cursively rounded 4a of 34, Il], is rare; but once, in Shihbazgarhi edict
XIII, 1. 1, appears a fa hardly distinguishable from ya.—(14) The sa with « triangular head
(36, II), and that with a rounded head (86, I, III, IV), are cursive developments from the old
polygonal from (36, V). The vertical stroke of sa is ocoasionally omitted, as in Mansahra [a7]
edict VI, 1. 27. :

(15) The common forms of ha with a curve (97, I, IV) or ashort hook (37, ILI, V) at
the foot, are cursive developments of the ha of 37, IL; see above, 39, A, No. 5.

B.— Medial vowels and Anusvira

(1) The i-stroke goes regularly across the le(t side of the horizontal strokes of the
consonants (6, III ; 7, 111; 15, 0,10; &o.): in letters with two horizontal or slanting top-
strokes, it passes through both (14, III; 16, IIL; 38, III, VI; &c.), likewise through both the
top-strokes of wa (19, X). In I (2, 1), di (23, ID), and mi, it stands just below the head, and in
yi (20, IL) it hangs in the left side.

(2) The e-stroke corresponds in form and position to the upper hall of the é-stroke (4,
1: 6, IV; 13, 11:19, UT; &e.) ; in B (4, II) it may alao stand straight above the head of 4.

(3) The o-atroke mostly corresponds in its position to the lower half cf the s-stroke
(5,1; 19, 1V; 14, IVs &e.), but it stands further to the right in the angle, formed by the
upper part of the letters, in go, gho (9, IL) and so (36, 1).

(4) The u-stroke stands regularly at the left lower end of the consonant (3,1; 8, If;
10, IV ; 19, IID; &.', but a little higher up if the foot of the consonant ia curved to the left
(U, 3, IL), or to the right (du, 22, IV), or basa hook on the right (pru, 25, V5 hu, 37, IV).
In mu it stands to the left of the top of ma (see mru, 29, V).

(5) The Anusvara has the full form of ma (see above, $9, B, 4) only occasionally in may
(29, IV). More commonly it is represented cursively by o straight stroke as in main (38, XD),
or by two hooks at the sides of ma asin may (38, X). In combination with other conso-
nants ending in a single slanting or vertical line, the Anuavitra is marked by an angle, opening
upwards, which the foot of the consonant bisects (8, IV; 11, IV; 17 V; 19 Vi &e.), oF,
rarely in Shahbazgarhi, oltener in Mansebra, by a straight line, a substitute for the curve
of ma, os in tham (91, V). It the foot of the consonant has some other appendage, the
Apusvara is attached higher upto the vertical, as in stam (14, V) ; dam (18, V); vram (33, V);
ham (37, V). The angular Anusvara ig always divited in yam (30, V) and in 4am, and the one
half ig added to the right end of the mairki, and the other to the le({t. This may also be done -
in kam and in bham (28, IV).

C.—Ligatures.

(1) Bhye (38, 1), mma (88, XIL) and mya (38, NU, b) show no changes or only very

slight ones in the combined letters. In other cases, one oF the other is usually mutilated.

ae

(9) For ra, which must be pronounced sometimes befora and sometimes after its Matyka
(exception in ria in Mansehra edict V, 1. 24), appeare, besides slightly mutilated forma (in 7,
32, IV, and rva, 59, I), (a) a slanting line, with or withou$ s bend, which goes through the
middle of the vertical of the combined consonant (as in gray 38, I; rta, 93, IL; rti, 38, IIL);
(4) also a curved or straight stroke at the foot of thea combined sign (r{i, 35, V; kra, 6 Vi
gra, 8, V; tro, 20, V 3 dhra, 23, V; 38, VILL; pru, 25, V; bra, 97, Vi; vram, 33, Vy aru,
$4, V; sir7, 39, VIII, IX). In combination with ma, the ra-stroke stands invariably at the
right top, a3 in Aru (29, V), and in kra and bhra (28, V), occasionally at the right end of the
hooks of those letters. Sometimaz, especially in Mansehra, a curve open above, as in thra (21,
IV), is substituted for the straight stroke. The stroke and the curves, of course, are cursive
substitutes for a full ra, attached to the foot of the combined consonants.

(3) In wru (89, II) the two consonants have baan pushed the one into the other, ao that
the vertieal does duty both for the va and the ra. Tha same principle is followed in the forma-
tion of the ligature sta (which consists only in Shahbazgarhi edict I, 1. 9, srestamati, of sa
with a f4 hooked into the vertical, 39, IV). At the same time sa is mutilated, the middle of its
top remaining open and the hook on the left being omitted. This is clearly visible in sti (39, V)
and sfri (39, 1X), while sta (39, IIT), sti (39, VI), stw (39, VII) and séri (39, VIIL) are made
more negligently. The ligature of sa and pa is formed according to [28] the same principles, but
the aa is mutilated still more and merely indicated by a little hook at the top of the vertical of
pa in spa (89, X) and spi (39, X1I).12" In spa (39, XI) the hook stands on the side-limb of pa.

(4) Tha ligature in $3, VII seems to have two different meanings. In Shahbazgarhi

edict X, 1. 21, the sign appears in the representative of the Sanskrit ftadaiva@ya, which in the
dialect of the ASoka edicts might be either tadalvaye or tadattaye, and in Mansehra it occurs
frequently in the representative of the Sanskrit Giman, As the KEusiina inscriptions offer a
‘similar gign (31, XIII) in the representative of the Sanskrit saivdnadm, we have probably to
read tra in Shihbazgarhi edict X, 1.91, and to assume that the curve at the foot of ta
represents a va, just as it standsin éhra (21, 1V) for the similar ra. This explanation is
confirmed by the ligatures 30, XIII, and 37, XIIT, which most probably are equivalent to éva
(#évara) and sva (visharasvamini). In Mangebra (especially edict XII) the sign $8, VII, has
to be read ima.?!’,

$5 12—CHANGES IN THE LATER VARIETIES!?4,
A.—The radical signs.

(1) The meaningless upward stroke connected with the foot of the verticals occurs only
occasionally on the Indo-Grecian coins (7, VI ; 20, VI; 36, VI). More frequently it appears
detached to the left of the signs, as in A (1, VI), and even with Aa (37, VI). A cursive subs-
titute is the very common dot, as in ha (57, VII); compare also ma (29, VIL). Finally, various
letters, like ta (20, VII) and na (24, VII), receive on the Indo-Grecian coins a horizontal baga-
line (see above, $11, A, 1). In the variety of the Saka period, the ends of the verticals show
eometimes a meaningless hook, as in ea (10, VIII) and in sa (86, TX), or a straight stroke on
the right, as in gi (35, VIII). The same hook appears also in the cursive script of the Kugina

45

period (ga, 35, X), or a horizontal stroke to the lett, as in A (1, XD), ka (6, S), dha (23, KI),
na (24, XID), bi (27, XI), yao (90, 3%), as well os curves both to the right and left, as in kha
(7, X), ca (10, KID), dhi (16, X01), ghi (9, X), ba (27, %), mi (29, XI), where the curve has been
added to the vowel-stroke.

(2) In the Saka and Kusina varieties, the head of ka is commonly converted into a
curve (6, VILL), and in the Kusiina variety this curve is connected with the side-limb of ka
(see 6, X).—(8) In all the later varieties, the top of kha ia made longer and curved to the
right (7, VIFXI; 29, SIV).

(4) In the Saka type, we have a cursive form of ca, derived from 10, III, in which the
left end of the lower portion of the sign is attached to- the short vertical below the top.
Similar, still more cursive, forms are common in the Kusina variety ; see 10, %, and XI.
—(5) All the later varieties show the cha without the cross-bar, and the vertical is
occasionally made to slant so that the sign looks like mo.—(6) Im the later varieties, the left
side-limb of ja ia nearly always rounded, and in the Kugioa variely the head of tha sign often
consists of a shallow curve, from the left end of which the vertical hangs down (19, MIE).
Hence is developed the looped ja (12, XII) of the Bimaran vase. “Tha full ja with tha bar
‘across or to the left of the foot occurs on tho Indo-Grecian coins (12, VII)—{7) In all the
later varieties, one sida of fia invariably shows a vertical (14, VIII, IX).

(8) The only known ta of the Saka period in the ligature $f (23, KIIL) shows
the archaic form with one bar on the left; compare 15, III. In the Kujiina variety,
the two bara to the right and left (15, I) are converted into a straight line, where-
by ta becomes tha (15, %-XI1). The small strokes at the top of tu (15, SI) are, as FLEET's
impression of the Sa Bihar inscription shows, due to rents in the copper. The
correct reading of the word, in which ig ocours, is kutubini instead of kichubing
(Hoernle)—(9) In all [29] the later varieties, tha (16, VIII, %, XI) loses the hook ab the end
of the second bar.

(10) On the Indo-Grecian coins, ta (20) is very similar tora; in the Saka
inscriptions, itis only one-third of the size of ra, and in the Kusina variety tha two
lettera are again very similar. -

(11) The Saka da of do (23, IS) is derived from the form 22, II, while the
signs 22, VIII and X, come from the ordinary da of the Asoka edicts. The Kusiina
form (22, XI) shows an inverted curve at the head.

(12) The inscription of Gondopherres and some coins of that king and of
Asilises (P. Gardner, Oat. Ind. 0. Br: Mus. p. 94, No. 99), show—the first in the
king's name—a peculiar sign (26, X) usually read pha, but possibly meant for fa, a3
©. Franke proposes, ZDMG. 50, 603.—(13) In the Kugana variety, the right end of
the horizontal top of &ha is occasionally connected with the vertical (28, X), and
sometimes tho top-stroke is connected with the side-limb, just as in ku (6, SI).
—(14) The fuller ma (29, VI) is common on the Indo-Grecian coins, and for ite slanting
stroke the later coins often show @ dot (29, VII). Im the mu of the Saka and
Kugiina varieties (29, 1X, XII) ma is laid on ita side, the right part of the semicircle
rises high up, and the left is bent downwards ; compare the late mur (33, XITL). '

46

(15) In the Kusama inscriptions, ya often becomes a curve or rhombur-like
figure, open below (30, XI, XII).—(16) In the later varicties, the left limb of la
(32, VIII, X) is invariably round, andin the Kusina type it is often attached to the
top of the vertical (32, XI, XII)—(17) In later times, the head of va (93, VIII, X)
is invariably rounded. '

(18) Equally, Sa (34, VIII, X) is often made round and similar to ya—(19) In
later times, sa (36, VII-XI) invariably loses the line connecting tha left side of the head
with the tail, and the new form becomes in the Kugiina inscriptions often highly
cursive ; eea 36, AIL,

B.—Medial vowels and Anusvydra.

(1) Medial i often crosses the vertical low down; see J (2, VII, VIII, X), di
(29, XT), mi (24, XI), &c.; and im the Kuyana variety if gets a hook in mi (29,
XI). Medial o like-wise is occasionally attached low down to the vertical, see ro (81,
XI): ho (87, XID).

(2) The e-stroke stands in 2 invariably on the right of the A (4, VI-VIIT),
and it may sink down as low os the foot. The short stroke is then converted into
a long bent line {4, KX, KIT) or receives a hook at the end (4, XI). Occasionally ¢
stands also at the foot of other letters, as in de (34, IX, Mathura Jion-capital).

(3) On the Indo-Grecian coins, medial « keeps ita old form; but in ju (19,
VII) the stroke riees upwards on account of the base-line of ja, likewise in pu (25,
VI) on account of the bend in the pa. In later times, w is represented by a curve
or a loop, as in U (8, VIII), kw (€, XI), kaw (7, XT), &e.; in mu (29, IX, KIT), the
curve opens to the right.

.4) The Anuaviira is marked by a ma, laid on its side, which either is connected with
its mairk@, us in Am (1, VII), Im (2, VIC), thim (16, XI), or stands separate to the
left, as in yam (30, VII), or may be placed below (sea mahamiasa in the Taxila copper-plate,
line 1).

C.—Ligalures, |

(1) The ligatures of the Indo-Gracian coing, such as kra (6, VII), khre (39, XIV),
stra (38, XIV), and those of the Saka inscriptions, ste (22, XIII), khsa (25, XIII), sta
(93, XIII), show only small changes. The same remark applies to the ligatures on the
coins of tha Sakas and the older Kuginas, where, however, some new groups appear,
such as psa (26, XIII), rma (28, XIIL; compare the- shape of ma in P, Gardner, op.
cit., pl. 25, 1, 2), gpa (99, MILI), which has been mostly misread $pa on account of the
Greek Spalyrisea, éva (30, XIII) with the va turned into a curve (see above, § 11, C, 4),
and the doubtful representative of dphi (27, XIII) in Kadphises, the upper part of which
ig plainly pi, while the lower one does not correspond to any known letter.

(3) Among the ligatures of the cursive Kugiina- inscriptions, some, like gra (8, XD,
bara (28, XID), exactly agree with the archaic forms, and [30] during this period we
atill find even the old vra (rve) (99, I) in the word sarva, The ligatures iva (31, XIII),

47

fia (92, XIII), often misread as isa, ska (35, RIIT), and six (36, XIII) show the new
Kusfina forms of the component parts. But the sa of sva (97, XIVI) is badly mutilated,
and the loops of rya (34, XIII), rea (33, KID), sya(35, XIL), and sya (36, KIL)**"
are new cursive formations. In all words where one would expect sta, the Kusiina
inscriptions show tha (16, X, XI). Probably the omission of the bar on the right (compare
93, XIII) is merely cursive, and the sign has to ba read both (ha and sfa, os the case
may require. The MS. of the Dhammapada bas both signs,

Ill. THE ANCIENT BRAHMI AND DRAYVIDI FROM ABOUT B. C. 350

TO ABOUT A. D. 359.
& 19.—How it was deciphered.

The first echolar who read, in 1836, an inscription in the oldest Brihma characters,
the legend on the coins of the Indo-Grecian king Agathocles, was Oh. Lassen!?", But the
whole alphabet was deciphered by J. Prinsep in 1297-9822", His tablo*** is, with the
exception of the signs for U and 0, quite correct, a3 far as ib goes. Since his time, six
missing signs have been found, among which I, 0, a, 3a and 2a hava boen given in Plate I of
this manual, while fia, discovered by Grierson in Gaya, is fgared in my Indian Studies, IIT. 2,
pp. 31, 76, and on $16, OC below. The existence of AU in the third century B.C. is assured
by the Gaya alphabet of ASoka’s masons!2*, f and éa have been first recognised by
Gunnigham!?*, One form of sa has been first pointed out by Senart!*5 and another
by Hoernlo!*®. I have found la in the Saiici votive inscriptions!*7, Regarding I,
compare below, $16, O, 4.

© 14—Common characteristics of the ancient inscriptions,

The forms of the Brahmi and Dravidi, used during the first 600 years, are known at
present only from inscriptions on stones, copper-plates, coins, ceals and rings'*", and there
is only one instance of the use of ink from the third or second century BO.!*9, The view
of the development of the characters during this period is, therefore, nob complete. For,
in accordance with the results of all paleographic research, the epigraphic alphabets are
mostly more archaic than those used in daily life, as the very natural desire to employ —
monumental forms prevents the adoption of modern letters, and as, in the case of
coing, the imitation of older specimens not rarely makes the alphabet retrograde. The
occurence of numerous cursive forma together with very archaic ones, both in the
ASoka edicts (see above, $3) and also in later inseriptions, clearly proves!®° that Indian
writing makes no exception to the general rule, And it will be possible to use the
numerous cursive letters for the reconstruction of the more advanced alphabets, which
were employed for manuscripts and for business purposes.

The full recognition of the actual condition of the Indian writing is obscured also
by the fact that tho inscriptions of the earliest period, with two exceptions, are either
in Prikrt or in a mixed language (Gathi dialect), and that the originals, from which
they were transferred to stone or copper, were drafted by clerks and monks who possessed

43

little or no education. In [31] writing Prikyt these persons adopted nearly throughout
—(in writing the mized dialect less constantly)—the practically convenient popular
orthography, in which the notation of long vowels, espacially of 1 and “ and of
the Amnusvira, is occasionally neglected as a matter of small importanes, and in
which double consonants are mostly represented by single ones, non-aspirates ara
omitted before aspirates, and the Anuaviira is put for all vowelless medial nagala*"*.
This mode of spelling continues in the Prakyt inscriptions with great constancy until
the second century A. D. The constant doubling of the consonants appears first in
Pili inscription of Harifiputta Satakayyi, king of Banavitei, which has been recently
found by L. Rice!®?, The longer known inscription o! the same prince (IA. 14, 331)
does not show it. Besides, we find in some other, partly much Older, Prakyt
documents, faint traces of the phonetical and grammatical spelling of the Pandits.
Thus, the ASoka edicts of Shihbazgarhi offer some instances of mma (see above, § 9%,
B, 4), the Nisik inscriptions Nos. 14, 15, and Kuda No. 5, haye the word siddha,
and Kanheri No. 14 Gyyakena'**, Such deviations from the rule indicate that
the writers had learned a little Sanskrit, whlch fact ts proved also for the writer
who drafted the Kalsi edicts by the, for the Pali absurd, form bamhmane, for
bambhane (Kiilei edict XIIT, 1. 39). )

With the exception of the Ghasundi (Nagari) inscription, which contains no
word with a double consonant, all the documents in the mixed dialect offer instances
of double consonants which sometimes even are not absolutely necessary. Pabhoss
No. 1 has Bahasatimittrasa and Kaééapiyanam, No. 2 has Tevaniputirasya, Nasik
No. 5 has siddham, and Karle No. 21 has Setapharayaputtasya!**, And the Jaina
inseriptiors from Mathura furnish numerous analogous eaces!®5, The only known
Ganekrit inscriptions of this period, the Girnfir Prasasti from the reign of Rudradiman
and Kanheri No. 11'5°, in general show the orthography approved by the phonologists
and grammarians, with few irregularities in the use of the Anusvira, eg. pratanam
a (Girnat Prafasti, 1. 2), sambamdha (1, 12), which have been caused by the influence
of the popular orthography, but are found in the best MSS. written by Pandits. The
orthographic peculiarities, juet discussed, hava therefore nothing to do with the
development of the alphabet, bub merely show that in ancient, as in modern, India the
spelling of the clerks differed from that of the learned Brahmans, and that both
methods, then as now, mutually influenced each other and caused irregul arities.

A second peculiarity 197 found in many ingeriptions in Praikrt and in the mixed
dialect, is the frequent erroneous employment of the signs for the sibilants. In the Asoka
edicts of Kialsi, of Siddapura, and of Bairit No. I1!38, on the Bhattiprolu vases, in the cave
inscriptions of Niagarjuni and of Ramnath!?*, and in the Mathura inscriptions of the Kugina
period, nay even in the two oldest Ceylonese inscriptions, ga or $a are used often for sa, and
§a for so, and sa for $a and #4. The reasons for thia promiscuous use of the sibilants are,
first, the circumstance that the achool alphabet, which the clerks learned, was originally
intended for Sanskrit and contained more sibilants than the ancient vernaculars possessed,
and secondly, the nogligent pronunciation of the classes destitute of grammatical training.

/

The western and southern Prikrts very probably possessed, then as now, both the palatal
and the dental sibilants, and it was probably the custom, as is done also in our days, to
exchange the two sounds in the same words. The natural consequence was that the
feeling for the real value of the signs for 4s and sa disappeared among the Pritkyt-speaking
elagses, while the sa of their school-alphabet, for which there was no corresponding sound in
their vernaculare, must have appealed to them asa ign suitable to expres sibilance. The
Sanskrit inscriptions of all centuries, especially the land-grants which were drafted by
common clerks, the MSS. of works written in the modern Prakrts, and the documents
from [32] the offices of modern India, with their countless mistakes in the use of the sibilantas,
offer abundant proof for tha correctness of this explanation of the errors in tha old
insoriptions, The explanation is also confirmed by the occasional occurence of na'*? for na,—
once in the separate edicts of Dhauli and oncaof Jaugada,—though na alone is permissible
for their dialect. ‘In these cases, too, the error seems to have been caused by the fact that
the school alphabet contained both ma and na. The clerks, who had learned it, each
made once a slip, and put in the, for them, redundant sign. The differant opinion'*?,
according to which the exchange of the sibilants in the Adéoka edicta indicates that
the values of the Brahma signs were not completely settled in the third century B. C.,
rests on the, now untenable, assumption that the Brahmi was elaborated, not for
writing Sanskrit, but for the Prakrt dialects.

49

©415,—The varieties of the Brahmi and Dravidi in Plates IT and rir.4*3,

Plates Il. and III. showthe following fifteen scripts of the fires period :—

(1) The variety of the Eran coin, running from the right to the left(pl IL.
col. I), which probably dates from the 4th century B. 0.

(2) The older Maurya alphabet of the Asoka edicts!#® (pl, II, cols. II-XIf),
which occurs also with local variationg on the Persian sigloi'** and the old coins from
Taxila, &c!5, in the majority of the inscriptions on the Bharahut Sttipa (pl. If, 6, SVIL;
45, XI), in Gaya!4®, Safici!*7, and Parkham!*5, on the Patni seals, on the Sohgaura
copper-plate’*®, and on the stone of Ghasundi or Nagari (pl. TH, col. XVI), and probably
prevailed at least in the latter half of ths 4th and in the Srd century B. ©,

(3) The Dravidi of Bhattiprolu (pl. Il, cols. KIII-XV), which is connected with the
southern variety of the Maurya type, bu! includea many very archaic signa ; about B.C. 200,

(4) The later Maurya alphabet of Dafaratha’s inscription (pl. II, col. XVII), closely
related to the characters on the coins of the Indo-Grecian kings Agathocles and Pantaleon!®” ;
about B. O. 200 to 180.

(5) The Sunga alphabet of the Torana of Bharahué (pl. II, col. XVIII), which agrees
with that of the Pabhosa inscriptions (pl. IE, col. XIX), of the later yotive inscriptions on
the rails of the Bharahut and Siafici Stipas'®’, of the oldest Mathura inscriptions!®?
(pl. IT, col. XX), of the Riwi ingcription’®*, and so forth!5+ Qnd to lst centuries B.C.

(6) The older Kalinga alphabet of the Katak (Hathigumpha) caves (pl. II, cols. XXI,
RII); about B, C. 150. |

(7) The archaic alphabet of the western Dekhan in the Nintghat inscription (pl. TL
cols. XXIII, XXIV), which is found also in Nasik No. 1, in Pitalkhor#, and in Ajanta
Nos. 1, 2!5* ; from about B.C, 150 to the Let century A.D.

(8,9) The precursors of the later northern alphabets, the alphabet of the inscriptions
of the Northern Kgatrapa Sodiisa and of the archaic votive inscriptions from Mathuri (pl. III,
cols. I, II), lst century B.C. to Ist century A.D. (2), and the Kusina alphabet of the reigns
of Kaniska, Huvigska and Vasudeva (pl. III, cols. IlI-V), 1st and 2nd (?) centuries A.D.

(10-15) The precursors of the later southern alphabets, the alphabet of Kithiavad
from the time of the Western Keatrapa Rudradiman (pl. III, col. VI), about A.D. 150; the
archaistic type of the western Dekhan from the time of the Ksatrapa Nabapana (pl. UI,
col. VIL), beginning of the 2nd century A.D. (?); the more modern-looking alphabet of the
same district (occasionally with only faint traces of southern peculiarities) from the
time of Nabopana (pl. III, cols, VIII, IX), of the Andhra king Gotamiputa Sitakani
(eol. KX), of the Andbra king Pulumiiyi (col. XI), of the Andhra king Gotamiputa
Giriyafia Sitakani (col. XII), of Nasik No. 20 (col. KIT), and of the Abbira king
Tévarasena (col. XIV), 2nd century A-D.; the ornamental variety of the same
district with more fully developed southern peculiarities, from the Kuda and {33}
Junnar inscriptions (cole. XV, XVI), 2nd century A-D.; the highly ornamental variety of
the eastern Dekhan from Jaggayyapeta (cols. XVII, XVII), Srd century A.D. (?); and the
ancient cursive alphabet of the Prakrt grant of the Pallava king Sivaskandavarman (cols.
XIX, XX), 4th century A.D. (7).

Sig.—THE OLDER MAURYA ALPHABET: PLATE II.
A.—Geographical extension and duration of use*°”.

The older Maurya alphabet was used over the whole of India, and it seems to have
found its way into Ceylon at the latest about B.C, 250, For, the two oldest Oeylonese
inseriptions’*", from the time of the king Abaya Gamini, which probably belong to the
end of the 2nd or the beginning of the lst century B.C., show characters which appear to
have been developed from those of the Asoka edicts. And the close relations between
Agéoka and Tissa of Ceylon, reported by the Southern Buddhists, make an importation
of the Brahmi from Magadha into Ceylon not improbable. It is, however, possible that
the Brabmi alphabet was introduced even earlier into Ceylon by Indian colonists!*%,

The upper limit of the use of fhe older Maurya alphabet cannot be fixed with
any certainty. But the shape of some of the characters on the Persian sight
(above § 15, 1) makes it probable that even its more advanced forms existed befora the
and of the Akhaemenian rule in India (B.C. 331). Its oldest primary forms, io doubt, go
back to much earlier times, as also the statements of the tradition, discussed above, tend
to show. (34] The lower limit of the use of this type cannot ba very distant from
the end of Afoka’s reign (about B.C. 221), and must fall about B.O. 20).. This estimate
is supported by the character of the writing in the inscriptions of ASoka’s grandson
Dataratha!®®, which were incised “immediately after his coronation” (a@namtaliyam

. ol

abhisitena), -ie., probably just about the end of the 3rd century B.d., and of the
legends on the coins of the Indo-Grecian kings Pantaleom and Agathocles, who ruled
in the beginning of the 2nd century B.C.1°°. The letters of the Nisarjuni cave inserip-
tions (pl. II, col. XVII) are sharply distinguished from those of the Asoka edicts,
partly by the far advanced forma of ja, ta, da, la and partly by the invariable and
considerable reduction of the vertical etrokes. The second peculiarity re-occurs on the
coins of the two Indo-Grecian kings, which show alto 4 further development of the
northern ja of pl. II, 15, III. Thongh the shortened letters were by no means unknown
to the writers of the Asoka edicts (see table on p.- 7), their constant use for epigraphic
documents is, to judge from the available materials, a characteristic of the typea of
the second and subsequent centuries. And I believe that all inscriptions showing long
verticals must be assigaed to the 3rd century B.c., and those with shori onea to
later times.
B.— Local varieties.

The peculiar circumstances, under which the Aéoka edicts were incised, were
most unfavourable to a full expression of the existing local varieties. First, the fact
that all of them wore first drawn up in the imperial secretariate at Pitaliputra and
then forwarded to the Governors of the provinees, must have proved a serious obstacle.
As the differences in the grammatical forms and small alterations in the text indicate, the
edicts were copied by the provincial clerks before they came into the hands of the stone-
masons. It isa matter of course that the scribes of the Rajukas, in copying them, were
influenced by the forms of the letters in the originals, and that they imitated them, ba
it involuntarily or out of respect for the head office. Further, ib is probable that the
provincial clerks were not always natives of those districts in which they served; and
this circumstance must have contributed to efface or to modify the use of the local varieties.
Most of ASoka’s governors will, no doubt, have been sent from Magadha, the home af
the Maurya race, and many will have been transferred in the course of their gervice
from one provinca to another. Those acquainted with the conditions of the Civil
Service in the Native States of India, which still preserve the ancient forms common
to the whole of Asia, will regard it as probable that the govermore, on taking charge
of their posts, imported their subordinates, or at loasi soma of them, be it from their
native country or from the districts which they formerly governed. The caseof Pada,
the writer of the Giddapura edicts, confirms this inference. As be knew the Kharosihi, he
probably had immigrated, or been transferred, to Maistir from the porth of India.

In spite of these unfavourable conditions ib is possible to distinguish in the writing
of the Agoka edicta ab least two, perhaps three, local varieties. First, there is a northern
and a southern one, for which, as in tho case of the later alphabets, thea Vindhys or,
as the Hindus say, the Narmadi, forms the dividing line, The southern variely is
most strongly expressed in the Girniir and Siddapura edicts, less clearly in the Dhanli and
Jaugada edicts, by differences in the signs for 4, A, kha, ja, ma, ra, sa, the medial 4,
and the ligatures with ra (sea below, uuder 0, D). A comparison of the characters of

4ogf \
L&ea0U

==

—_

52

the moat closely allied northern and southern iuscriptions confirms the assumption that
the differences are not accidental. Ifthe characters of the Siddipura edicts do not always
agree with those of Girnar, [95] the discrepancies will have to be ascribed to the northern
descent of the writer Pada or to his service in a northern office.

Even the ‘writing in the northern versions is not quite homogeneous. The pillar
edicts of Allahabad, Mathia, Nigliva, Paderia, Radhia, and Eampiirva, form one very
closely connected set, in which only occasionally minute differences can be traced, and
the edicts of Bairat No.1, Sahsaram, Bar&bar, and Safici, do not much differ. A little
further off stand the Dhauli separate edicts (where edict VII. has been written by
different hand from the rest), tho Delhi-Mirat edicts, and the Allahabad Queen's edict,
ss these show the angular da. Very peculiar and altogether different is the writing
of the rock edicts of Kalsi, with which some letters on the coins of Agathocles and Pantaleon
(but also some inthe Jaugada separate edicts) agree. Perhaps it is possible to speak also of
a north-western variety of the older Maurya alphabet.'®! ?

C.—The radical signs or Mairkads.

Signs beginning with verticals show already in the Asoka edicts occasionally 4
thickening or a very short stroke (Serif) at the upper end, as in cha (pl. IT, 14, II), pa
(28, VII); compare the cases noted ET. 2, 448, and B. ASRSI, 1, 115.

(1, 2)'82 In addition to the eight forms of A, A, given on page 21 above, the plate
shows a ninth in col, XI. with an open equarea at the top (compare ma, $2, XT, XID):
tenth, with the angle separated from the vertical, oceura in No. 1 of the Sigaapura ing-
criptions, edict I, line 9,3. The forms with the bent vertical (cols. VII, XI) have been
caused by writing the upper and lower halves of the letter separately. The addition of
the stroke, marking the length of the vowel, to the right top of the vertical (cols.
VIII, IX), is a peculiarity of Girnar. |

(3) The forms of I in cols. III, IV, are the common ones; that in col. &,
which agrees with the I of the Gupta period and later types, is rare. (4) The rare
T, which, as may be inferred from the Gayit alphabet of the masons, existed already
in the Srd century B.C, occurs also in the Mahibodhi-Gayii inscriptions, pl. 140,
Nos. 9, 10, where Cunningham reads Ji, because it appears in the representative
of the Sanskrit Indra. Though this reading is possible, I consider it improbable, os it
would be necessary te assume for I a not traceable form, consisting of two dots side
by side with a third dot above on the left, thus, *-. In later times (see pl. VI, 4, V,
VII) the angles of the square are turned towards the top and the bottom lines” :

(5,6) Hultzsch (ZDMG. 40,71) admits that the sign 6, XVIII, looks like (, but
prefera to read © for linguistic reasons, which seems to be unnecessary according to E.
Miller, Simplified Pali Grammar, 12f. The existence of 0 in the cease may he
inferred from the Gaya alphabet of the masons. +

(7) Add the horseshoe-form of E (Kialsi edict V, 16, &c.) from the comparative table
on page 26 above, No. 16, col. V, 6. The balf-round Hof col. XXII ocours also in Safici
Stipa I, No, 173. The AJ, which has been placed in this row (col. XXI), existed in the 3rd

53

contury, as may be inferred from the Gaya alphabet of the masons.—(8) Regarding the 0
of Dhauli and Jaugada in col. VI, sea above, § 4, B, 4, a.

(9) The dagger-shaped ka occurs occasionally in all versions of the ASoka edicts,
most rarely in Girnir.—(10) The oldest among the ‘seven forma of kha ia that in col. IL
(Kalsi) and col. VI (Jaugada separate edicts and Bharahut Stipa inscription). Henca come
first the northern kha, with tha loop on the right, col. III (Kalsi and Bharahut), and a
form, nearly identical with that of col. XVIII, in Jaugada separate edict I, 1.4. The next
derivative from this is the kha witha bent vertical and adot at the foot, im cols. FV, V.
Likewise of northern origin is the kha with the triangle at the foot, in khya, 43, V ; compare
Mahabodhi-Gaya, pl. 10, No.3, and Bharahut. Another derivative from tha primary
form in col. III, is the kha of cola, VII, IX-XII, with a point at the footof the perfectly
straight vertical, and it occurs both in the south in Girnar, Siddapura, Dhauli, and Jaugada,
and in the north in Allahabad, Delhi-Mirat, Mathia, Radhia, Rampiirva, and Bairiit No. L
The kha, consisting of a simple hook with the omission of the dot, in col. VIII, is confined |
to the southern versions and is particularly common ‘1 Girnar.—(11) ‘The ga, which is
originally pointed at the top, is somotimes slightly rounded, in cals. IV, VI, X-X11.-—(12)
The primary angular gha appears occasionally in Kilsi fool, ITI) and in the Jaugada separate
edicts.—I add bere the figure of "2 from the Gaya alphabet of tha masons, which bas
been discovered after the preparation of the plates; compare my Indian Studies, ii
III, 2, pp. 91, 76.

(13) The primary ca with tail (sea above, $4, 4, 18) occurs also in Siifici Stipa I,
Nos. 989 and 284 (BI. 2, 363)—(14) The primary cha with unequal [86] halves in cols. VI,
VII, becomes firat a circle, bisected by the vertical, cols. III, IV, aud hence ia derived the
later usual form with two loops in col. IY, and in the Gaya. alphabet—{15) The forms of
ja, all of which have been derived from the j of the Dravidi (cols. XIII-XVI) may be divided
(a) into essentially northern forms with a loop in col, ITI (Kalet and Mathia), or with a
dot in cols. TV, V (Allahabad, Delhi-Sivalik, Delhi-Mirat, Bairat No. I, Nigliva, Paderia,
Dhauli, Jaugada, and Siddapura), or with aashorb central stroke in col. II (Kalai, Jaugada |
separate edicts, Sahearim and Riipnath), and (4) into southern forms, those in cols. VIIT,)
X, KI, XVI (GirnGir, Dhauli, Jaugada, and Ghasundi) and that in col. TX (Girniir). .

(18) In addition to the semicircular (a, we often find secondary forms, flattened above
or below or at both ends, as in cols. II, XI, XVL—(20) With the round-backed <a of Kalai
in col. III, compare also the similar qi in the Allahabad Queen’s edict, line 32.

(29) From the primary ta in ool. III, and 48, III (iu), which is often turned
sideways (see comparative table at page 26 above No. 22, V, 6), comes (a) the form
with the round side-limb in cols. IV, V, XVI, as well as that in col. VI, and 43,
col. II (i), and (&) the very common ta with the angle just below the vertical in
col. XI, from which finally the tertiary form with the semicircle for the angla in
col. XII (common in later times) appears to be derived.—(25) From the primary
rounded da in cols. IJ, III, comes (a) the angular form in cols, IV, W (Delbi-Mirat,
Delhi-Sivalik, Allahabad Kosambi edict, and Allahabad Queen's edict), and (&) the
cursive da in cols. VII, IX (Girntir, Jaugada, &. rarely),—(26) The original dha of

= ol

od

eols. V-VII appears only in Delhi-Sivalik (rarely) and in the Jaugada separate edicts
(constantly).

(93,29) The angolar pa and pha of col. KIT. and col, VI, occurs here and
there in various versions—(30) Add the ba of the comparative table, page 96 above
No. 2, V, a, which is not rare in Kiilsi and other versions.—(31) The secondary bha
with the atraight stroke on the right, col. XVI, and that with the rounded back, col.
VI (Jaugada separate edicts), appear also in Bharahut (constantly), Siaiici (often),
Bariibar and Kiilsi—(32) The secondary ma with the semicirela at the top occurs
throughout in the northern inscriptions, excepth in the Sobgaura copper-plate, which
offers a ma with an open square, similar to that of Siddaipura, cols. XI, XIL The
older ma with the angle above the circle, cols. VIII-X, is a southern form, and is
confined to Girnar (exclusively) and Dhauli and Jaugada (rarely).

(39) The notched ya in cols. IV, V, VII, XI, is used either constantly or chiefly
in Delhi-Sivalik, Delhi-Mirat, Mathia, Radhia, Rampiirva, Nigliva, Paderia, and Kiailsi.
It is alao Very commonin Dhauli, Jaugada, and Siddapura. But in Girnar the ya with the

curve below is the usual one, cools. VIII, X, ATI, besides which that with the angle, col.

—.

IX, is found occasionally. In writing the notched ya, the left half of the sign has
been made first, and the right balf has been added afterwards. In the ya with the curve
below, the vertical and the curve have been drawn separately,as may be seen from iva
in No, 1 of the Siddipura inscriptions edict I, line 4—(34) Add the forms of ra from
Girnir given in the comparative tabla on page 26 above, No. 20, V, a and c, The
corkscrew-like ra of Ghasundi, col. XVI, and the tertiary, almogt straight-lined form, of
Riipoiith (between cols, VII, VIII), seem to be northern cursive forms of the letter.—(35)
The angular la of cols. II], V, appears oceasionally in most versions, whereas the highly
cursive form in col. VII is confined to the Jaugada separate edicts.—(36) Add the modern-
looking va of the comparative table on page 22 above, No. 19 (Kialsi). The va of Siddapura
in col. XII, flattened below, and the triangular one of Ghasundi in col. AVI, appear occa-
sionally in other versions. The va of col. IX, which resembles a ca turned round from
right to left, is found also in Vesagame, Sohgaura, line 2,

(37) Add the broad-backed éa of the comparative table on page 26, No. 21, VI
¢; and compare the ga in Kalsi edict XIII, 1, limes $5, 37, 355 2, lines 17, 19:—( 38)
The conjectural reading of the signs of Kalsi in cols. IJ, III, is based on Senart’s
Inseriptions de Piyadasi, 1, 33 [. The ga from which the later forms have been derived is
that of col. XVI.—(39) The primary sa with the straight side-limb has bean preserved only
in the south (Girnar and Siddapura), The cursive form in col. VII occurs algo in Kalsi.

(40) Add the probably primary haof Siddipura in the comparative table on page
96 above, No. 5, V. a, which [37] is found also in Kiilsi. The cursive ha of col. VII is
confined to the Jaugada separate edicts ; a somewhat different cursive occura in mahaméta,
Allahabad Kosambi edict, line 1,

(41) A certain Ja is nob found in the known inscriptions of the 3rd century, as the
li of Sifici, in col. XVIII, belongs without doubt to the 2nd century B.C, But it is
possible that the da with the dof, 20, cot. VI (Radhia), has to be road fa. The sign

appears in Delhi-Sivilik, Mathia, and Radhia (edict V) in the representative of the Sanskrit
dudi or duli, and in Mathias and Radhia in the representative of deadasa, which in Pall
usually becomes duvaddasa, The dot may be, a3 in kha and ja, a substitute for o circle. Tf
such a modification of da was really used for la, the eign must have been derived from
the angular da nearly in the same manner as the later la was framed out of the round-
backed «fa (see above, § 4, B, 6).

D.—Medial vowels and -Anusvara.

(1) The originally straight stroke for @ is olten turned upwards in Kilsi (see,
for instance, é@, 37, III) and occasionally in other versions, after the manner provalent
in later times. In kha (10, V, VI), sa (5, VI, &o.), ta (18, 11), ta (19, IT), tha (24, IT), the
a-stroke is added to the middle of the letter. Bharahut offers also a 74 like that of 15, XXI.

(9) The angular ¢ (see, for instance, khi, 10, 11) becomes, regularly in Girnir
(sea dhi, 21, IX) and rarely in the Jaugada separate edicts (see khi, 10, VID), a shallow
curve, which in khi (10, VIII, in ni (27, IX), and other letters ending in verticals,
may be attached to the middle of the consonant, and which frequently ia very much
like a. In Kalsi edict XIII, 9, 10, the medial ¢ of ti (43, IL) stands twice to the left
of its consonant, likewise in ti in Allahabad edict I (end), and in hi in the Sohgaura
copper-plate, line 4,—(3) The medial # of Girnir usually consists of a shallow curve
bisected by a vertical (di, 25, TX): but in {7 (18, IX) it is marked by two vertical strokes,
and in thi (24, TX) by two slanting ones.

(4) The fall « which is identical with U occurs in the dhu (26, ITI) of Kialsi several
times. It is also recongoisable in ku (9, V), ow (11, TS), du (20, VIT), and other letters
ending in verticals, which latter have to do double duty as parts of the consonants and of
the vowel; see below, the remarks on some ligatures under E, 1. Elsewhere we have
secondary forms; (a) such as omit the horizontal, in dhu (26, IL), pw (28, III), &e:
(b) such as omit the vertical, in fu (93. V), &e. In tw the w-stroke is occasionally turned
upwards, as in 28, VIII, and 43, Ill: compare the later tu of pl III, 21, XIX.—(5) The
identity of medial « with {) is still recognisable in letters ending in verticals, as in bh
($1, X), &o., where the vertical again does double duty, Dut mostly the vowel is expressed
by two strokes, either parallel as in dha (26, X) and in yu (23, VIT) or placed otherwise
as in pu (28, VIIT, XVI).

(G) Signs like ge (11, IV) perbaps offer still remnants of the hook-form of medial «,
into which the originally super-imposed triangle no doubt was reduced at first (seo above,
& 4, C, 1); and the e-strokes of she (10, IIT), ge (11, TIT), and gye (42, VII), which
slant downwards from the left to the right, may have to be interpreted in the same
way. In je (15, VIL), te (18, V), the (19, NTT), and the (24, XII), the vowel stands
opposite to the middle of the consonant; in Khe it is often attached to the left end
of the hook.—(7) Medial at occurs only in trai (23, IX) and that (24, X), both in Girpar,
and in mai (32, XII ; Siddapura).

(8) Medial o preserves mostly the original shape of O very faithfully (see above,
& 4,0, 1). The later cursive o with the two bars at the same height appears however in

56

go (11, V; Delhi-Sivilik) and ho (40, V; Delhi-Sivalik), ag well as in the go of the Porsian
siglot. In mo(33, VII, %; Jaugada separate edicts, Mathias, Radhia. and Girnir), the o has
been formed in o similar manner. In the second form, the bara stand opposite the middle,
and indicate that analogous ma and me existed already 'n the Srd century B. ©., just as
later ; see pl. IJ, 20, 8, XVIT. In the no of Kiilsi edict V, line 14 we have a looped
o, similar to that in Jo of pl. ITI, 33, XX, and in later signs.

(9) The Anusviira mostly stands opposite the middle of the preceding Miatrki, os in
mam (89, VIII), But in connection with i it is placed regularly in [38] Delhi-Sjvilik,
Delhi-Mirat, Mathia, Radhia, Jaugada, and Dhauli, inside the angle of the vowel, as in
tim (18, VI). There are also other cases in which it occasionally appears, as in the
later scripts, above its Mitrka, and sometimes, as in mam (32, II), it sinks to the foot of
the latter ; see above, § 4, B, 2 ¢.

E,—Digatures.
(1) In the ordinary ligatures of the ASoka edicts (42, II-VII, K-XII; 43, V-VIII,
KI, XII; 44, IlI-VII, XI, SIT; 45, IV, Y, X), in those of Bharahut (45, XI) and of
Ghasundi (49, 43, XVI), the consonants are placed below each other in their natural order
and suffer no material changes. Occasionally, however, as in kya (42, IT, IV), kye (42, IIT),

~ gya (42, VI), and gye (42, VII), a single vertical stroke does duty both for the upper and

the lower consonant, jusias in the modern ligatures %, %, and so forth; compare also the
Kharosthi ligatures, $ 11 above, ©, 3.

(2) But there are cases of greater irregularities, especially in Girnir, where (a) the
second sign is sometimes greatly mutilated or made cursive, ag in vya (44, IT), mya (44,
VIII), sti and stu (45, VIII, TX); (b) the sign for the second consonant is sometimes placed
first (Girnir and Siddapura) for convenienca sake!®*, as in sta, sti (49, VIII, IX), tpa,

| toa (48, IX, X), eya (44, X, 7); and (c) im ligatures with ra, this sign is either (both

in Girnar and Siddapura) inserted in the vertical lines of the other consonant (kra, 9, X ;
tram, 23, %; dra, 25, KIL; bra, 30, X; vra, 96, KR; sru, 39, KX), or (in Girnir alone)
ig indicated by a small hook at the top of the combined sigo (irai, 23,IX%; pra, pra,
95, IX, X ; &e.), The position of ra always remains the same, whether it is to be pronounced
before or alter the combined consonant, and thus 36, 3%, has the value both of rra and
of vra. The insertion of rain the left vertical of ba in bra (30, X) probably goes back to
the period when the writing went from the right to the left. Otherwise it ought to
stand in the right vertical.

§ 17.—The Drividi of Bhattiprola : Plate II.

To the remarks on the value of the Draividi of Bhattiprolu for the history of writing
in Indias (above, page 23), and to the explanations of its peculiar signs (above, 5 6, A, 3, 7, 13, |
15, 18: B, 4c, 5; and ©, 2), I have mow to add the reasong for the assumed reading of the
sign in pl. II, 38, XIJI-XV. It seems to me certain that originally it bad the value of 3.
For there can be no doubt that if expresses a sibilant; and that the Driividi is, like the
Brahmi, an alphabet invented in order to write Sanskrit (see above, § 6, O, 2). As signs

57

for two of the three Sanskrit sibilants are easily recognisable—the palatal in 37, XIII, XIV,
and the dental in 39, XIII, KIV, XV,—the third sign can only have been intended to express
the lingual sibilant. But it is a different question, whether in the words of the Prakrt
Bhattiprolu inscriptions, in which the sign occure, the lingual sibilant ~was actually pro-
nounced, or whether, owing to the negligent orthography of the clerks, the sign has been
put where the pronunciation was # or 3. A certain answer to this question is for the
present impossible. It could be given only if we knew more about the ancient Prakrt of
the Kistna districts [89] than is actually the case. But the correct use of fa in éamanude-
éanam (Bhattiprolu, No. %) indiestes that the dialect possessed two sibilants ; and it can
only be doubted, whether ¢ has been put erroneously for &, a3 often happens inthe Jaina
inseriptions from Mathura (compare EI. 1, 476), or whether it waa still the lingual sibilant.
Another point in the character of the Dravidi, which requires special mention, is, that its
signs, which agree with those of the Brahmi, in several cases present. characteristic peculiari-
ties of the couthern variety. Thia may basean (1) in the angular 4, A>; (2) in the kA (10,
KIIT, KV) consisting, like that of Girnar, merely of a vertical, with a hook at the top;
(3) in the dh; which has the same position as that of the Jaugada separate edicts and the
Ninaghat inseriptions; (4) in m, which, though turned topsy-furvy, retains the angle of
the ma of Girnar: and (5) in s, which mostly has the straight side-limb, as in Girnir and
Siddapura.

the-inseription on the crystal prism (No. X), found with the stone vessels, shows
the ordinary Brahmi except in the da opening to the right, it follows that the Driividi was
not used exclusively even in the Kistna districts, but tegether with the common old Indian
alphabet. The small number of the inscriptions hitherto found, makes it impossible to say
anything definite regarding the spread of this alphabet. And it is equally difficult to fix with
certainty the time and the duration of its use. As king Kubiraka or Kbubiraka {Kubera) is not
known from other sources, we can only fall back on the never absolutely certain paleographic
indications, The signs, which agree with the Brahmi, point to the time immediately after
ASoka, or about B.C. 200. In favour of this estimate is particularly the occurrence of the
long verticals, the invariably round g, and the rf, which is always represented by a
straight line.

§18.—The last four alphabets of Plate IT.

In addition to the inscriptions of Dataratha (col. XVII), which very probably belong
just to the end of the 3rd century B.C: (eee above, § 16, A), only those of the Oeta king
Kharavela of Kalifga (cols. XXI, XXII) and those of the Andhra queen Nayanika in
the Nanaghat cave (cols, XXIII, KXIV) can be dated approximately. Khiravela’s
inscription must have been incised between B.0. 157 and 147, as the king's thirteenth
year is said to correspond to the year 165 of “tha time of the Muriya |Mauriya! kings'®*,”
and it fixes also the time of the NanSghit inscription. For, according to Ine 4, Khiiravela
assisted in the second year of bis reign a western king called Sitakani This Situkani
probably is identical with the first Andbra prince of that name mentioned in the Puriinas,
whose inscribed image is found in the Nanaghat cave. Hence the date of the large

8

58

inscription, which was incised during the regency of Satakani’s widow Nayaniki, cannot
be much later than B.C. 160'°°.

Paleographic evidence is almost the only help for fixing the time of Dhanabhiiti's ins-
eription on the foraya of the Bharahut Sttipa (col. XVIII), which was incised “during
the rule of the Suagas,” as well as that of the Pabhosa cave inscriptions (col. XIX)
and of the oldest votive documents from Mathura (col. XX), all of which offer (sea above,
$ 15, 5) the Sunga type of the ancient Brihmi. To judge from the evidently close
connection of their characters, partly with the younger Maurya alphabet and partly with
the Kalinga script, the signs of cols. XVIII, MIS, probably belong to the second century
B.C. Those of col. XX may date from -the first century B.0., as the elongation of the
lower parts of the verticals of A, A (1, 2), the broad back of fa (87), the cursive Ja (41)
and the subscribed ra in dra (42), which is twisted to the left, point to s later time.

The tendency to shorten the upper vertical lines, mentioned already above ($ 16, A),
ia, though here and there not fully carried through, common to all fhe four scripts.
The broadening of the letter or of the lower parts of ga, ta, pa, bha, ya, la, sa and
ha, is found only in the last [40] three alphabets; and the thickening of the tops of
the upper verticals, and the use of the so-called Serif, are particularly remarkable
only in the Suhgsa and Kalinga alphabets. ‘Tendencies in the direction of later developments
are found, not only in the letters of col. XX, already mentioned, but also in the round
da (20, XXII, XXIII), so characteristic for the latter southern alphabets, in 2 with
the curved upper horizontal line (22, KVIII, XIX) in the partly oF entirely angular
ma (82, XIX, XXII), in the semicircular medial i of ki (9, XKII), b@ (30, KXII), and
ci (36, XXIV), 5 well as in the detached o of go( 11, KXII), tho (19, XXIV) and
tho (24, XXIV). The single medial au of the plate, in pau (28, XVIII), deserves to be noted.

As regards the geographical distribution of these types, the younger Maurya alphabet
belongs not only to the north-east ( Bihar), but also to the north-west, where its ja and
sa are found on the coins of the two Indo-Grecian kings, mentioned above ( § 15, 4 ). The
Kalinga alphabet is of course that of the south-eastern coast, and the type of the
Nanighat inscriptions that of the western Dekhan. Finally, the Sunga type probably
represents the script of the centre of India, It, however, extends also to the wost, a3
the same or very similar characters are found in the caves of the Marathi country 5 compare »
& 15 above, 5, note 153.

Very little can be said regarding the duration of the use of these scripts. The
Indo-Grecian coins show that the younger Maurya characters were used io the firat half
of the @nd century B. 6.166 The Kalinga script is visible also in the inscriptions of
Khiravela's next descendants.2°' If Burgess has correctly fixed the tima of the Pitalkhora
eaves,'°® it would follow that the script of the Nainaghit inscriptions continued to be used in
the first century A. D.

§ 19.—THE PRECURSORS OF THE NORTHERN ALPHABETS.
A—The Alphabet of the Northern Kyatrapas: Plate ITI.

Immediately connected with the latest forms of the Sunga type in the oldest

Jaina inscriptions from Mathura (pl. IT, col. XX) is the alphabet of the Northern

59

Kgatrapas on the coins and in the inscriptions of the Mahiksatrapa Rajovola or Ramjubula
and of his son ‘Sodiisa or Sudasa, who ruled in the first century B. ©. or A. D. (?)
over tha same town?®®, And eome “archaic” votive inscriptions from Mathuri, as well
as legends on cortain Indian coins, exhibit the early letters of the same type**”.

The characteristics of this type (pl. IIT, cols. I, II) are the equalisation of all
the upper verticals, except in la (33, I); the constant use of the Serif, occasionally
replaced, as in bha (23, I), by a nail-head or wedge; and the constant use of angular
forms for gha (10, I), ja (13, I, 11), pa (26, 1, Il), pha (27, I), ma (30, I, IL), &
(33, I), sa (36, 1), and ha (38, I, II). Other, mostly cursive, innovations are found
in the peculiar ca (11, I); in the slanting angular da (18, I); im da (23, I); in the
broadened bha (29, I, Il); in ra with the curve at the end (32, I, Il), which occa-
sionally reappears also later (seo pl. IV, 33. IV) in northern ingcriptions ; in the
medial vowels @,(which in ha, 35, II, rises upwards, bob in ra, 92, I, keeps its
ancient form),ilin di, 23, 1), olin gho, 10. I, and 4, 35, If); and in the position of
the Anusyira above the line (in nam, 20, I. The ka shows, besides the old form
in 7, I, Il, tho later one with the bent bars in Asa (40, I). The upper part ol the
abnormal va (34, IL) with two triangles, which sometimes is found also in the Kusiina
inscriptions!’ and elsewhere, [41] probably represents a hollow wedge. The inscriptions of
this class for the firat time show!'?? the medial ¢ which consists, exactly like that
of the Kusina inscriptions in tr (94, III), of o straight—lineslanting towards the left.

B.—The alphabet of the Kujana inseripiions : Plate III.

The next step in the development of the Brahmi of Northern India ia illustrate]
by the inscriptions from the time of the Kusiina| kings Kaniska, Huvigka and Vasugka or *
Vasudeva (plate IIT, cols. III-V), the first among whom made an end of the rule of the older
é,kas in tho eastern ani southern Pafijab. The inscriptions with the names of these
kings, which run from the year 4 to the year 98 (according to the usually accepted
opinions. of the Saka era of A. D. 77-78, or of the 4th century of the Seleucid era)* 3,
are very numerous in Mathura and its neighbourhood, and are found also in oeastern
Rijputiina and in the Cantral Indian» Agency (Saiici)***. Inspite of great variations ~
in the single letters, which oogasionally exhibit the more modern forms in the older
inscriptions and the earlier forms of the Northern Ksatrapa type in the later docu-
ments, the alphabel possesses a very characteristic appearance, and nobody who once
has seen the squat and broad letters of the Kusina period will ever make a mistake
by assigning them to other times.

As regards the details, the following innovations deserve special mention!?® :—
(1) Side by side with more ancient signs, the A of col. [VY shows a form leading up to the -
modern A of the Nagari of Western India ; compare also pl. IV.1, TS, RI ff. (2) The .
bar denoting the length of A is attached low down (2, ILI, IV); compare pl. IV, 2, VIL.
(3) Three strokes, one of which is set up vertically, take the place of the threa dots of Ié
(3. 111). (4) The horizontal stroke of 7 oecasionally shows a curve at the left end
(4, IV). (5) The base of the triangular EZ (5, IV, V)is mostly at the top; compare pl.

60

IV, 5, X ff. (6) The kha (8, TII-V) is mostly triangular below, and its hook is often
small. (7) One of the two originally horizontal strokes of ua is always turned into a curve
notched in the middle, and sometimes both are changed in this manner, as in 2), III, IV;
occasionally the vertical is split up into two lines, which are attached to the ends of tho
left horizontal line, each bearing a portion of the curved top-bar (20, V). (8) The ta shows
sometimes, but rarely, a loop, as in sti (43, IV). (9) The lower end of da (23, III-¥V) is
drawn further to the right, and the bulge on the right becomes larger. (10) The dha
(24, IIT, [V)- becomes narrower and pointed at the ands. (11) The horizontal stroke of na
ig curved (25, IIL) or looped (25, IV), whereby the still more modern looking form in 25,
V, is developed. (12) The ya (31, IDI-V) mostly has a hook or cirela on the left limb,
and in ligatures is either looped agin ryya (49, III), or bipartite as in ryya (41, V). (13)
The va is occasionally rounded on the left (34, V), or becomes similar to ca, as in
reva (49, IV). (14) The ga (35, III-V) becomes narrower, and its middle stroke lies’
horizontally across the interior ; sometimes the left down-stroke bears a Serif at the end, or
the right one is made longer, just as in ga (9, V): compare pl. IV, 36, I ff. (15) The central
bar of sa (46, ITI-V) goes straight across the interior of the letter. (16) The left limb of
a is occasionally, but rarely, turned into a loop (37, 1V) - compare plate IV, 38, I ff.

All these peculiarities, as well as the advanced forms of the medial yowels, of @ in
r@ (32, TV), of w in ku(7,IV, V) and in siw (43, V)27™, and of o into (21, IV), reappear
constantly in the northern alphabets of the next period, those of the Gupta inscriptions
(pl. IV, cols. I-VII) and of the Bower MS. (pl. VI, cols. I-III), or are precursors of the
forms of those documents, The literary alphabets used in Mathur during the first two
centuries A.D., very likely were identical with or closely similar to the later ones, and the
admixture of older forms, observable in the inscriptions of the Kusiina period, may be dus
purely to an imitation of older votive inscriptions.

Attention must be called to the medial r in tr (21, IV) and [42] in vr (34, ITT), for
which we have also once!** the form of pl. IV, 3, III; likewise to the rather common
final m, which resembles that in ddham (41, VII{), and to the Visarga,. which looks exactly
like the modern one (compare 40, 41 IX) and first appears in hese inscriptions!’®, The
broad strokes of the letters and their thick tops indicate that they imitate an alphabet
written with ink,

$20 —THE PRECURSORS OF THE SOUTHERN ALPHABETS

A—The alphabet of the Kgatrapas of Malva and Gujarat: Plate ILI.

While the inscriptions of Northern India thus show in the ficat and second centuries
A.D. the beginning of the development of a new local variety of the Braibmi, we find in
the documents from Western and Central India, as well as from the Dekhan, the first steps
leading up to the later southern alphabets. The inseriptions and coins of the Ksatrapa
dynasty of Milva and Gujarit, descended from OCastana or Tiastanes, illustrate the western
writing, and col. VI, taken from the Girnar PraSasti of the reign of Rudradaiman (about
A.D. 160)""" gives a specimen of it. This scriph agrees with the later southern alphabets

($ 27, below) in the following characteristic points :—{1) in the curves at the ends of A and A
(1, 2), ka (7), fia (15), ra ($2), and of medial u and w (not in the plata) » (2) ‘in the round-
backed qa (18) ; (3) in the ba (28), notched on the left ; (4) in the Ia (33) with the vertical
bent to the left; and (5) in the medial (see sr, $7), which is difficult to distinguish
from ra. Its other letters, for instance, fa (35) and the tripartite subscribed ya of lya
(42), partly agree with those of the inscriptions of Soddsa, and partly,—for instance, kha
(8), na (25) with the bent base-line, pa (26) with the notch in the left vertical, ya (81)
with the curve on the left, and the frequently rounded va (34),—with the typea of the Kusina
period. Peculiar is its fa (16). Its cursive medial «, which is used only in ny (25) and in
ru (compare pl. VII, 38, III), and the.au in yau (31), besides which the older form of pl. IT,
28, XVIII, is used, appear here for the first time.

The letters on the somewhat older coins’®” of Rudradiman's grandfather Castanea
and of his father Jayadiman, which probably were struck in Ujjain, exhibit no material
differences. Among the later Ksatrapa inscriptions**!, that from Juniigadh, incised during
the reign of Rudradaiman’s son Rudrasimha, fully agrees with the Girnir PraSasti. The
Gunda inscription of the same prince from the year 103 (or, according to the usual assump:
tion, from A. D. 180), ond the Jasdan inscription of Rudrasimha's son Rodrasena from tha
year 127 (?) or A. D. 204-205, show a few more advanced characters. FEoth these documenta
offer the bipartite subscribed ya ; and the second has several times the northern ma of tha
Gupta period (pl. IV, $1, I ff.), as well as the ¢ standing above the line (compare, for instance,
née, pl. VII, 27, V). The same ma, or a similar sign with a straight base-streke, appoars also
frequently on the coins of the later Ksatrapas’®?. Its oocurrence probably indicates a
northern influence, perhaps that a northero alphabei was used at the same time; compare
5 98 below, A.

B.—The alphabets of the cave-inscriplions of the western Dekhan and the Konkan: Plate III.
[43] The writing of the western Dekhan and the Konkan in the caves of Nasik,
Junnar, Karle, Kanheri, Kuda, &c., shows three varieties, an “archaistic’ or retrograde type,
& More advanced one with mostly faint traces of southern peculiarities, and an ornamental
one. The first two appear in the oldest dated inscriptions of the Saka Usavadita or
Usabhadita (Rsabbadatta)***, the son-in-law of tha Ksabarita king and Ksatrapa Nahapiina
from the years 41 to 45 of, according to the usual assumption, the Saka era?®*, or from
A.D. 118 to 123 The Karle inseription No. 19 (col. VIE) offers the ‘archaistic” or
retrograde type, among the letters of which gha (10), ja (13), da (23), bha (29), ya (91),
la (33', sa (37) and ha (38) come close to the forms in the older alphabets of pl. II,
especially to those of the oldest Andhra inscriptions in cola. XXIII, XXIV. The same
variety is found in some other, partly older. inscriptions of the same caves'**, and must
be regarded as a direct development from the ancient Andhra type. It shows only very
faint traces of the southern peculiarities enumerated above. The curves at the ends of the
verticala are only rudimentary. The vertical of la is curved, but to the right. The
triangular dha (24), which appears here for the first time, is found also in other alphabets
of this plate (see col. XI ff.) ; the abnormal kha (8) is confined to Karle No. 19.

62

Against this rather clumsy alphabet, we find in Usavadiita’s inscriptions from Nasik
(cols. VIII, IX) very neatly made letters, the duetus of which resembles that of Sodisa's
inscriptions (col. I) and of the Girnar Praéasti (col. VI). They show no trace of archaic
forms, and the traces of the southern peculiarities ara faint or entirely wanting. Only
the southern da (18)is distinct and constant. Noteworthy are éa (85, 42, VIII), which
agrees with that of col. VI, the final m in ddham (41, VIII), and the tripartite subs-
cribed ya in bhyoh (41, IX).

Very similar to this script is that of the Nasik inscriptions (No. 11, a, b,=col, X) of
the Andhra king Gotamiputa Satakapi, who destroyed the Ksahariita dynasty,—possibly
just Nahapiina and Usgavadaita,—and of his gon Siri-Polumayi, Pulamai or Pulimiavi (Nisik
No. 14=col. XI), who is mentioned by Ptolemy as Siri-Polemaios or Polemios!®®. Tha
only material difference occurs in the triangular dha (24, XI; compare col. VII), which
however is by no means constant. Nearly of the same type are the alphabets shewn in
col. XIT, from the Nasik inscription of the somewhat later Andhra king Gotamiputa Siriyafia
Sitakani, in col. MITT from the undated inscription Nasik No. 20, and in col, XIII from
Nasik No. 12, incised during the reign of the Abbira king TSyaragena!®?, In col. XIV, how-
ever, we have a peculiar form of ta (21) developed from a looped form, a looped na (25)
somewhat differing from the northern form in col. IV, a ra (32) with o stronger curve,
and a la (33) with tho vertical bent towards tha le't ; further, in col, XIII a looped ¢1 (21)
and in col. XIV, a ta (21) and a ma (25) derived from Josped forms, a ya (31) with a
curve on the left, a Ia (33) bent towards the left, a cursive subscribed iia in jrah
(40), and apeculiar, r-like, medial u in dw (23), which reappears in later southern
insoriptions ; compare, for instance, bhu, pl. VII, 30, XII, and the u in ti, pl. III, 21,
XVII, XIX.

Cols. XV, XVI, give two somewhat differing specimens of the croamental variety of
this period according to the undated inscriptions of Kuda (Nog. 1—6, 11, 20) and of Junnar
(No. 3). Both agrea in the ornamental treatment of medial i and 7. But the Kuda
inscriptions extend it to the curves at the ends of all verticals, and show notches in the
left [44] strokes of pa (26) and ba (25; compare col. VI). In col. XVI, there are two
other noteworthy signs, the bipartite subscript ya in yya (40), and the é2 with the hori-
zontal bar in éri (41; compare 35, TII-V). Ornamental forms, resembling those of cols.
XV, XVI, are found also in the approximately datable inscriptions of Polamayi in Kirle
Nos. 20, 22, and of the minister of the queen of his successor Visithiputa Satakani in
Kanberi No. 11. The first two of these documents show a looped ta and a ma like that of
eol. XVIT; the third exhibits the neat characters of Western Ksatrapa inscriptions. It
is, therefore, certain that during the 2nd century A. D. all these three varieties were used
promiscuously in tha western Dekhan and the Konkan'®® and the inscriptions from the
Amarivati Sttipa'®” prove that they occurred also on the eastern coast of India. The
contemporaneous employment of more advanced types and of more archaic ones with an
admixture of more modern signs will have to be explained in this, as in other cases, by
a desire to select archaic and monumental forms for epigraphic purposes ond a failure to
completely carry out this intention.

63

O.—The alphabet of the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions : Plate IIT,

In the Kistna districts of the eastern coast, a still more ornamental alphabet, found
in the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions from the time of the Iksvaiku king Sirivira Purisadatta
(cols. XVII, XVIII), as well as in some Amarivati inseriptions!9°, wag developed out
of the ornamental variety just discussed, probably somewhat later, in the $rd century
A.D. One of its most prominent characteristics is tha very considerable elongation of
the verticals of A, A, ka, 7ia, ra and la, as well as of the medial ¢, 7 and
To a later time point the cursive forms of tha and ha, which latter agrees with the
northern Gupta form [pl IV, 39, I, VI), and the medial « of me (80), which, with
its downward curve, agrees with the « of the later southern inscriptions (compare 30,
KIX, XX, and pl. VII, $5, II), and the medial u in tu (21; compare col. XIX, and pl.
VII, 30, XX). The modial u of ¢* (40), in which the stroka expressing the length of
the vowel has bean attached to the head of the consonant, is entirely abnormal.

D.—The alphabet of the Pallava Prakpi land-grants : Plate LIT.

The highly cursiva writing of the Prakrt lind-grants of tha Pallava kings
Vijayabuddhavarman and Sivaskandavarman from Kafici (Conjeveram) in the Tamil
districta'®!, showsin its ductus a certain relationship to the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions.”
But it is not doubtful that these documents are much later, though it is for the pre-
sent impossible to fix their dates exactly. The usa of Prakrt for official purposes perhaps
indicates that they are not later than the first half of the 4th century A.D. The broad
E(5, XX) with the rudimentary vertical to the right (compare pl. VII, 6, XI ff.), the da
with a tail in ndam (40, XX; compara pl. VII, 19, IV i.), the subseribed tha open on
the right in ttha (41, XIX: compara pL VII, 45, XX), and the constantly looped o
in lo (38, KX; compare pl. VII, 34, IIIf. XIII, XVII) point to the later period.

\ Iv. THE NORTHERN ALPHABETS FROM ABOUT A.D, 350'%.
5 21.—Dejinition and varieties.

[45] By the term “northern alphabets” I understand with Burgess, Fleet?®5, and
others, that large group of epigraphic and literary scripts, which from about A.D. 350
conquers the whole wide territory north of the Narmada, with the exception of Kathia-
vid and northern Gujarit, and. which, epreading in the course of time more and mora,
finally is used in a number of varieties for nearly all the Aryan languages of India.
Their origin is to be found in the cursive forms, which first appear in the addition to
the ASoka edict VI of Dhauli, andina number of signs of the Kalsi version (sea above,
page 911.) and later are found, occasionally or constantly, in some of the Jaina votive
inscriptions of the Kugina period (ses above, §19, A). Their general type is that of o
cursive alphabet with signs reduced af the top to the same height, and made throughout,
as much as possible, equal in breadth. As the occurrence of ancient MSS. and various
peculiarities of the letters, euch as the formation of wedges ont of the Serifs at the ends of
the verticals, clearly prove, they were always written with a pen or a brush and ink,
Their most important common characteristics are:—(1) Tho absence of curves at the lower

‘G4

ends of the verticals of A, A, ka, fia, &e. (with occasional exceptions for ra); (2) the
use of the Serif at the left down-strokes of kha, ga, and fa: (3) the division of the
original vertical of a and of its upper bar; (4) the use of a looped na and ofa ta
without a loop; (5) the transformation of the lower portion of mainto a small knob
or loop attached to the left of the letter; (6) the shortening of the vertical of la:
(7) the turn of the medial i to the left, which is soon followed by the twist of medial 7 to
the right; (8) thedevelopment of curves, open to the left, at the end of the originally
horizontal medial u ; and (9) the use of a curve, open to the right, for medial r.

While all the alphabets represented in plates IV, V, VI show these common
characteristics or further developments from them, they may be divided, according to other
peculiarities, into seyen larger groups, most of which again comprise several varieties :—

(1) The epigraphic North-Indian alphabet of the 4th and 5th centuries, commonly
ealled the Gupta alphabet, which, according to Hoernle’s researches*®* has an eastern and
western variety, among which the second again has two branches, and with the the western
variety of which the literary alphabet of the Bower MS. and of some other documents from
Kashgar is closely connected.

(2) The acute-angled or Siddhamatyka (?) alphabet with wedges at the vervicals of
the letters, which is first found in the palm leaves of Horiuzi, and towards the end of -
the Gth century in the Mahiinaiman inscription from Gay and in the Lakkhamandal
Prasaati,

(3) The Nagari with its long-drawn, tailed, letters, and long top-strokes, . the
first certain traces of which occur in the Tth century.

(4) The Siirada alphabet, a northern variety of the Western Gupta type, first
found about A. D. 800,

(5) The eastern Proto-Bengili alphabet with much rounded, cursive letters, and
with hooks or hollow triangles at the tops of the verticals, first traceable in the 11th century.

(6) The hooked alphabet of Nepal, [46] which is closely connected with the
Proto-Bengili cccura in MSS. from the 11th cantury onwards.

During the 4thand 5th centuries, tha rule of these alphabets to the north of the
Narmada is by no means undisputed. In the west we find, as far north as Bijayagadh
(Bhartpur), inseriptions in southern characters, or with an admixture of southern letters
(see below, $ 27). Inthe 6th and ith centuries this mixture no longer occurs. Only
the socalled “arrow-head" typos (see below, § 26, C), the seventh variety on plates IV-VI,
which appears in rather late times in Bengal and Nepal, offers an instance of the
importation of a southern script into Northern India, -

On the other hand, we meet, from the Tth century, with inscriptions in northern
characters firat on the coast, in the west in Gujarat,?"> and in the east even beyond
Madras.'°® Documents of this kind appear from the middle of the 8th century also in the
central Dekhan, and during the 12th and 13th centuries they penetrate as far as Vijayanagara
in the Kanarese country (see below, $ 23). But they never come into sole use beyond
the northern limit of the Dravidian districta.

65

The ancient MSS. hitherto fcund in Kashgar, Japan and Nepal, the oldest of which
probably were written inthe 4th century,’?’ show only northern letters. Tho palm-leaf
MSS. of Western India, which begin in the 10th century, agrea with the insoriptions
of the period, and prove that the northern Nagari was generally used in Rajputina, Gujaras'**
and in the northern Dekhan ag far as Devagiri (Daulatabad).2°® ‘The gradual advance
of the northern characters towards the south probably is explained by the predilaction
of many southern kings for northern customs, and by the immigration of northern
Brahmans, castes of scribes, and Buddhist and Jaina monks, to which facts the statemants
in various inscriptions and the historial tradition bear witness.*°°

| 3 22—THE 80-CALLED GUPTA ALPHABET OF THE 4TH AND 65TH
CENTURIES A. D.: PLATE IV.

A.— Varieties.

The differences between the eastern and western varieties of the socalled Gupta
[47] alphabet appear in the signs for la, ga and ha.*°* In the eastern variety the left
limb of la (plate IV, 34, I-III, V, VI) is turned sharply downwards; compare the la of
the Jaugada separate edicts (see above, §16, C, 35). Further, the base-atroke of sa
(IV, 87, I-IT, V, VI) is made round and attached asa loop to the slanting central bar.
Finally, the base-stroke of ha(IV, 39, I-III], V, VI) is suppressed, and its hook, attached
to the vertical, is turned sharply to the left, exactly asin the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions
(see above, § 20, C). Im the western variety these hires letters have the older and
fuller forme.

The specimens of the eastern variety in plate IV hava been taken from tha
Oldest Gupta inscription, Harisens'’s Allahabad PraSasti (eols I-III), which cartainly was
incised during the reign of Samudragupta?®”, probably between A. D. 370 and 390, and from
the Kahium PraSasti of A. D. 460 (cols. V, VI) of the time of Skandagupta. I¢
appears, besides, in Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions (CIT. 3) Nos. 6-9, 15, 64, 65, 77; in
Bhagviinlal’s inseripitions from Nepal, Nos. 1-3 °°* ; and in Cunningham's Gaya inseription
of Samvat 64°°*. The fact that Fleet’s No 6 is found far west, near Bhilsa in Milva,
may be explained by its having been incised, during an expedition of Candragupta IT to
Malva, at the command of his minister, who calls. himaelf an inhabitant of Pitaliputra.
Nothing is known regarding the origin of Fleet's No. 77, which is inciaed on s seal, purchased
in Lahore, but possibly manufactured in Eastern India.

The western variety of the Gupta alphabet again appears in two forms, a cursive
round-hand and an angular, monumental, type. The second form, which shews very
characteristic thick top-linea and a hooked ra (33), is represented in plate IV, col. IV, by
the alphabet of the Bilsad Pragasti of A.D. 415. Another fine example is found in Fleet's
No. 82, from the Meharanuli iron pillar near Delhi. Specimens of the cursive form are given
in col, VII from the Indor copper-plate of A.D. 465, in col, VIII from Toramina’s Kura
inscription probably of the second half of the 5th century?9*, and in col. IX from the
Kiaritalfi copper-plate of Jayanfitha of Uccakalpa, dated the year 174 or probably A.D. 499298,

The some typo is found in Fleet's Nos. 4, 13, 16, 19, 22-31, 36, 61, 63, 66, 67, 69, 74, 76,
and in the Jaina votive inscriptions fron Mathura, New Series, Nos. 38, 397°". It deserves
to be noted that Fleet’s No. 13 from Bhitari is found in a district where one would expect
the eastern variety. Fleet's No. 61, the Jaina inscription from Udayagiri in Milva, shows
a mixture of the northern characters with southern ones, as it offers throughout A, A,
with a curve, and once a southern. Perbaps the same may be said of Fleet's No, 59, the
Bijayagadh inscription from Bhartpur in Rijputina, where ra shows a curve at the end and
medial i and 7 resemble those in plate III, col. XVI. The characters on the Gupta coins??®
are frequently retrograde, and offer, o. g., the angular ma of the Kugiina period.

-| B.—Characteristics of the epigraphic Gupta alphabet.

The following particularly important or charaoteristic peculiarities of the Gupta
inscriptiona deserve to be noticed in detail :—

(1) The lower parts of the right-hand vertical of A, A, ga, da, ta, bha, and éa ara
s0 much elongated, and those of ka and ra remain so long, that these eight signs have about
double the length of those without verticals. This is particularly visible in the older stone
inscriptions ; on the copper-plates they are olten shortened.

(2) The right-hand portion of gha, pa, pha, ga and sa shows an acute angle, whereby
later the development of tails or verticals on the right of these signs has bean caused.

(3) Since tha middle of the 5th century, the lower portion of tha left limb of A
(1, TX, XI) shows the curve, open to the left, which appears in all the later forms of the
letter ; the sign of the length of A (2, VII-IX) [48] is attached to the foot of the right vertical.

(4) In addition to the J of the Kugfna period (3, I, V), there oceur, owing to the predi-
lection for letters flattened at the top, the also later frequent J with two dots above (3, VII),
and that consisting of a short horizontal line with two dots below (3, [X), which latter is
the parent of the later southern J (plates VII, VIII, and § 28 below) and of that of the
Nigari (below, § 24, A, 4).

(4) The rudimentary curves at the left end of U, 0 and O are more fully developed
in the Sth cantury ; compare above, 9 12, B, 4.

(6) The guttural ‘ia begins to appear instead of the Anusyira before 4a and ha (11,
VII), perhaps in consequence of the faulty pronunciation, blamed in the Sikgms?°’,

(7) The third borizcntal line of ja (14, I-III, VII, VIILE) begins to slant downwards,
and occasionally shows a curve at the end, whereby later the new forms of cols. KXI-XXITI
are caused.

(8) The palatal jia (16, I, IL; 42, I, VI, VII, XI) is frequently made cursive
and round, and is ocecasiona!ly laid on the side in order to save space; compara alao
jah, plate IIT, 40, XIV. But older, angular, forms likewise occur (42, V).

(9) The fa (17, I-III, UX) is often flattened down at the top.

(10) Thea of SL. I, I, shows a little stroke ot the right end, caused by an
inexact formation of the hook on the right, and in the second sign a cursive loop on
the left; in 21, III, the letter bas been laid on the side and somewhat resembles tho
Niigari ta. |

67

(11) The tha (98, I, V-IX) is mostly elliptical or flattened on tha right, and a
cross-bar often replaces the dot in the centre; but the old form likewise survives
(29, IT, I17.)??°,

(19) The ya (92, 1-IX) is mostly tripartite, but sometimes, particularly in ye,
ya: and yo, transitional forms with the loop, like the later ones in 92, XIII, XVI,
appear, which lead up to the bipartite ya™'*. The oldist instance of the independent
looped ya is found in Fleet's No. 59 of A. D. Sil, but the Kutna inscriptions show
the looped subscript ya even earlier (gee above, $19, B, 13).

(13) The left limb of sa (98, I-III, V, VI, VITI) often becomes a loop, ag
happens already in some Kusiina inscriptions ($19, B, 16). A substitute for the loop
is the triangle (probably giving the outlines of a wedge), which occura in the three
mos§ ancient inseriptisns from Nepal ; compare the later sa of 48, XII. But the older hook
is equally common.

(14) The rare fa (40, I-TIT) is found also in Fleet's No. 67, lina 1.

(15) The signg for the medial vowels agree in many particvlara with those of
the Kngiina period. But the open semicirele for @ in t@ (17, II), which is found also
in #@, is an innovation, Further, the medial i, for instance, of khi (8, III, VI, Ix),
ia drawn further to the left than in the earlier inscriptions, In some insoriptions
like Mathura, New Series, Nos. 89, 99, the medial 7 consists merely of o curve, going
to the right, though the form with two horns (as in di, 24, I), and a looped one (as in
bhi, 30, IV), are more common. Medial w is mostly represented by the still used curve,
which in rv (33, III, VI) appears abnormally at the end of ra: but in gu (8, II, VI), tu,
thu (30, I) and éu (86, III) the vowel rises upwards, For medial u there are, besides
an old form in gu (9 IV), other combinations in bhw (30, II, VI) and ttuw (42, IT)
and a later very common, cursive form in dhu (95, II, VI) One of the Matris of ai and
ois often placed vertically, as in gai, 32, IIL; in go, 9, IIT: and in no, 21, IIL |

(16) The desire to save space causes the cursive ja, ta (sea sta, 45, IX) and
tha (see sih#, 45, V: stha, 46, IX) to be Isid on the side, in case they form the
second elements of ligatures, From the Sth century, rya (45, VII) is expressed by a
foll ra with a subscript ya.

(17) The frat certain Virtima (see ddham, 43, VII), consisting of a horizontal stroke
above the small final, dates likewise from the 5th century ; the nothern Jihvyamiliya
(hka, 46, II) and the Upadhmianiya (hpa, 46, ITT) occur already in the 4th century.

C.—The Gupta alphabet in manuscripts.

Among the types of the Bower MS., which belongs, according to Hoernle's and my
own opinion®**, to the Sth century, I have given [49] in plate VI, cols. I-IV, only tha
alphabet of the portion which Hoernle marks A, since the published parts of his B and OC
are not sufficiently extensive for a paleographic enquiry. JTts characters differ very little
from those of the epigraphic documents of the Gupta period, especially from the copper-
plates. The Serifs at the tops of the vertical atrokee, however, are made more carefully
and neatly throughout worked up with the latter into real wedges. If a letter like gha

68

(plate VI, 18, I-IV) has several upstrokes, the Serifs are added regularly to all of them.
Similarly, the lower enda of vertical strokes more regularly bear Serifs or are converted
into wedges or little buttons. Tho greater regularity of the writing is what may be expected
ina good MS., the material of which offers fewer diffienlties than stone or copper. The
invariable use of the Serifs has led to the formation of the ka (15, IV), with the loop on
the left*** (compare 15, I, III), which appears occasionally in the Bower MS., bub is
noticeable only later, since A.D. 598-89 (see plate IV, 7, XIII), in the insoriptions. Further, —
the Bower MS&., offers in rara cases, ag. in prayojayst (fol. Sia, 11), an archaic form of
the bipartite ya. Finally, it makes us acquainted with some signs which, owing to the
rarity of the sounds expressed by them, cannot occur frequently in the inscriptions and
hitherto have not been traced in those of ths 4th and 5th canturies. To these belong the
long I (4, 1), in which the uppar and lower dota of tha ancient sign (compare plate VI, 4,
VY, VII) have been converted into a straight stroke, and further the short 2, which clearly
consists of a ra and a medial pr (compara above, $1: and below, § 24, A, 7), elao the AU
(14, I, II). which fully agrees with the epigraphic character of AD. 533 (plate IV, 6, X),
and the subseript r of ar (34, ILI) which consists of two r, placed horizontally sida by sida.

~ § 23.—The acute-angled and Nagari types : Plates IV, V, VI.

About the beginning of the sixth century we find in the northern insoriptions, both
of Eastern and Western India (plate IV, cols. X-XII)*!*, distinct beginnings of a naw
development which firat leads to the forms of the Gaya inscription of AD. 588-89 (plate IV,
cols. XIII, XIV) and of the probably not much later Lakkhiimandal PraSasti (plate IV,
cols. KV, RVI)*15. Their chief charactoristic is that the letters slope from the right to
the left, and show acute angles af the lower or at the right ends, as well as that the fops
of the vertical or slanting lines invariably bear small wedges, and their ends either show
the same ornaments or protuberances on the right, These peculisrites are observable in
& large number of inscriptions of the next four centuries, and it seems to me advisable to
class the characters of the whole group as those of the “acute-angled alphabet”.
Formerly**" the term “nail-headed” was frequently applied to them. Of late this has been
given up and no new generic name has been proposed. Thus Fleet says, in his edition
_of the Gaya inscription?!’, only that the letters belong to the nothern class of alphabets.
Possibly the Indian name may have been Siddhamiityka(lipi), For Berini*?* states that
an alphabet [50] of this name was used in his time (about A.D. 1030) in Kashmir and in
Benares, while the Niigarl was current in Malva. Ifthe usual writing of Benares resembled
that of Kashmir, it cannot have had the long horizontal top-strokea which always charac-
teriae the Nigari. Baeriini's note is, however, too brief and vague for a definite settlement
of the question. 3

The two inscriptions, mentioned above, which, like the other contemporaneous
cognate documente, are connected with the western Gupta alphabet, mark the first step in
the development of the acute-angled alphabet during the sixth century.. And to the same
subdivision belong, among the MSS., the Horiuzi palm-leaves, which according to the
Japanese tradition certainly existed in the second half of the Gth century??*, If

fourteen years ago, when I wrote my paleographical essay on these leaves in the Anecdota
Oroniensia tho facsimiles of the Gaya and Lakkhimandal inscriptions had been accessible,
it would bave sufficed to compare their letters in order to prove the correctness of the
statements of the Japanese.

The characters of AmSuvarman’s inscription of A.D. 635 (plate IV, col, XVII) and
of the nearly contemporaneous Aphead PraSasti of Adityasena (plate IV. cols. KVITI,
KIX) show the further progress of the acute-angled alphabet during the 7th century. It
must, however, be noted that AmSuvarman's inscriptions and othar Nepalese documenta of
the same time have the round sa and thus are allied with the eastern Gupta character,
while the Aphsad Pragasti and its allies from India proper are connected with the western
varicty of the old northern alphabet*?°, Fleet calls this second variety, on account of
the more marked twist of the lower ends of the strokes, “the Kutila varieby of the
Magadha alphabet of the 7th century .”22 I feel disinclined to adopt the term “Kutila”,
which was first used by Prinsep??*, and sinca bas been employed by many other writers,
because it ig based on an erroneous rendering of the expression kulila akgara in the
Deval Pragasti®’*. I would remove it from the poleographic terminology. Hielhorn
likewise avoids it in his paleographic remarks on various inscriptions of this period"**. ,

During the 8th-10th centuries, the development of the acute-angled or Siddhamiity ka
alphabet progresses more and more in the’ direction ofits successor, the Nagari alphabat,
‘which latter in its. olde North-Indian” form is« distinguished merely by the. substitution
of straight top-strokes for the wedges on the verticals. Documents witha mixture ol wedges
and straight. top-strokes are also found; “and occasionally it becomes difficult to decide
how a particular inscription is to be classed.

To this third and last variety??° of the acute-angled alphabet belong the characters
of the Multai copper plates (plate IV, col. XX) of A.D. 708-7097*", of the Dighva-
Dubauli plate, probably of A.D. 761 (plate IV, col. XXI)?2"7, of the Gwalio* inscription
of AD. 876 (plate V, col. II), and of the Ghosrava inscription of the 9th or 10th cantury
(plate V, col. VI)228, as well as, among the MSS. those of the Cambridge MS. No, 1049
(plate VI, col. VII), dated in the year 252779, probably of AmSuvarmans era of A.D.
594229 or in A. D. 846. An intermediate position between the acute-angled and the
Nigari alphabets, is occupied by the letters of the Pehos PraSasti of about A.D. 900 (plate V
col. III) of the Deval Pragasti of A.D, 992 or 993 (plate V, col. VIIL) and of the copper-plates
of the Paramara king Vakpati Il of A.D. 974 (plate V, col. %)?44, They, no doubt, show
the wedges; but these ara so broad that they produce the same effect as the long
straight top-strokes, and that, eg, the open tops of A, A, gha, pa, &e., are closed,
just ag in the Ngari inscriptions. Specimens of the mixture of wedges and straight
top-strokes, mentioned above, are found in the Riadbanpur and Vani-Dindori copper-
- plates of the Rastrakiita king [51] Govinda ITI of AD. 807-805 (plate V, col. rye,
and the Harsa inscription of the Cabamana Vigraha II of A.D. 973 (plate V, col. IX)**°.

The last-mentioned two inscriptions are, however, by no means the oldest documents,
in which Nigari letters oceur. The first undoubtedly genuine gpecimens""* are found in
the signatures of the Gurjara princes on the copper-plates of Kaira (of AD. 629 and

70

633), of Dabhoi (A.D, 642), of Naus#ri (A.D. 705), and of Kavi (A.D. 736)*35, the texts
of which are written in a southern alphabet. In the first-mentioned three signatures,
the Niigari letters are in the minority, as most of the signs show either more
archaic northern or southern forms. Only in the fourth signature the Nigari is used
throughout and is fully developed. But the most ancient document, written throughout in
Nigari, is the Simingad grant of the Rastrakiita king Dantidurga of A.D. TA4 (plate IV,
col. XXII)***. Much of the same type are the characters of the Kanheri inscriptions Nos.
15 and 43 (plate V, col. V)°*", which were respectively incised in A.D, 851 and 877 during
the reigns of the Silubira princes PollaSakti and Kapardin IT,

The Samingad and Kanheri inscriptions, together with some othera of the 9th
eentury**5, show the archaic variety of the southern Nigari, the fully developed form of
which is exhibited in the copper-plates of Kauthem (plata V, col. XVII)22°, which ware
incised during the reign of the Calukya king Vikramiiditya V. in A.D. 1009-10. The southero
Niigari, of the 8th-llth centuries, which differs from its northern sister of the same period
chiefly by the want of the small tails slanting to the right from the ends of the verticals,
and in general by stiffer forms, besides occurs in numerous inscriptions of the Silahiras and
Yiidavas from the Marath& country and the Konkan, as wellas of a Ratta prince from
the Belgaum collectorate’*®. Its latest development during the 19th-16th centuries is
found inthe inscriptions of the kings of Vijayanagara cr Vidyinagara in the Kanarese
country"*!, It still survives in the Bialbodh or Devanagari of the Maritha districts, and
in Southern India it has produced the so-called Nandinagari which is still used for MSS?#°,

In Northern and Central India, the Nigarl appears first on the copper-plate of the
Maharaja Viniiyakapailn of Mahodaya (plate IV, col. XMEIII)**%, probably of A. D. 794,
which however exhibita some archaisms and peculiaritics in the signa for kha, ga, and na,
found also in later inscriptions from Eastern India, The fact that an earlier inscription
from the Kanarese country, the incision of which is due to a Brahman from Northern

India (see EI, 3, 1 #.), shows a mixture of Nigari and acute-angled letters, makes it
| probable that the northern Niigari was in use at least since the beginning of the Sth
century. From tha next century, wa have only « few inscriptions in northern Niigari?*+,
But after A. D.950 their number increases, and in the 11th century the script becomes
peramouné in nearly all the districts north of the Narmada.

The characters of the Siyadoni inscriptions from Central India (plate V, col. VI),
the dates of which ron from A. D. 968, and those of the copper-plate of the first Caulukya
of Gujarat, incised in A. D, 987 (plate V, col. XI)?45, show the forms of the northern
Nigari of the 10th century. The copper-plates of the Rastrakita (Giihadavila) king
Madanapala of Kanauj in Northern India, dated A, D, 1097 (plate V, col. XII), the Udaypur
Prasasti of the Paramiras of Malva (probable date about A. D. 1060) in the weat of
Central India (plate V, col. XIII), the Nanyaura plates of the Cindella Devavarman of
A.D, 1050 (plate V, col. XIV) and of the Kalacuri Karna of Tripura, dated A. D. 1049
(plate V,col. XV), both from the eastern part of Central India, and the plates of the
Caulukya Bhima I of Guiarat, dated A. D. 1029 (plate V, col. XVI), give specimens of the
northern Nigari of the 11th eentury?4®, Finally, the northern Nigar of A. D, 1100-1207

Tl
is illustrated by the alphabets of a plate of Jayaccandra, the lash Ragtrakiita (Gahadavila)
king of Kanauj, dated A. D, 1175 (plate V, col. XX), of the plates of the last Caulukya’
of Gujarat, Bhima IL, dated A. D. 1199 and 1207 [52] (plate V, col. XXI), of the plate
of the Paramira Udayavarman of Malva, dated A. D. 1200(plate V, col. XXII), and of
the Ratnapur stone inscription from the reign of the Kalacuri Jijalla of Tripura, dated A, D.
1114 (plate V, col. XXITD***,

With the characters of these Nigari inscriptions, agrea those of the now numerous
ancient palm-leaf MSS. from Gujarat, Rajputiina and the northern Dekhan, the dates of
which run certainly from the 11th, and possibly from the 10th century, Cols, XV-XVII
of plate VI exhibit their alphahet chiefly according to Leumann's photographs and tracings
of the Vise3iivaSyakabhiisyatika, dated A. D. 1081, together with some supplements from
the Royal Asiatic Society's Ganiratnamahodadhi, of A. D. 12997*". Buta number of MS3.
from Nepal, belonging to the 11th and 19th centuries, show the northern Nfgari of the
preceding century. And col. XIII of plate VI offers o specimen from No. 866, the oldest
Cambridge MS. of this class, which is dated A. D. 100874", Of the same type is the alphabet
of plate VI, col. XIV, taken from the reproduction of col. 1 of Wylie’s copy of the
Vajracchedika in Antedota Oroniensia, Aryan Series, 1, 1, plate 4.

3 24—DETAILS OF THE CHANGES IN THE ACUTE-ANGLED
AND THE NAGARI ALPHABETS?°°,

_\A.—The Matrkas.

Among the numerous changes, which the letters of the acute-angled and Nigari scripta
undergo in course of time, the following more important ones, affecting the Matrkis or
radical signs, deserve special mention :—

(1) The signs for E, gha, ca, tha, dha, pa, ba, ma, ya, la, va, ga and sa, develop
Bradually,—the later the more distinctly,—shorter or longer tails, which firat slant off
towards the right below the bottom-line of tha letters, but later, in the Nigari, become
vertical strokes, except in the case of HF. [53] From the 10th century similar pendent
lines appear in the middle of cha (plate VY, 16, II, III, &.). and of dha (plate V, 23, In),
of pha (plate V, III, &c) and of ha (plate V, 42, II-IV, &c.), which the Nigari, too,
retains in cha and ha and converts into a medial vertical in the case of pha. In tha acute-
angled script, Aa, ga, tha; dha, and §a. frequently show on the right a small horn-like
protuberance or an elongation of the vertical, which, owing to the flattening of the tops,
the Nigari again discards except in the case of dha. Both the last mentioned peculinari-
ties are due to the circumstance that the writers drew the lefi and right portions of the
letters separately and neglected to join carefully the two halves?°!. In course of tims
these irregularities became characteristic features of moat of the letters.

(9) In consequence of the elongation of the ends of the wedges and of the use of
long straight topratrokes, the heads of A, A, gha, pa, pha, ma, ya, $0 and sa are gradually
closed, both in the acute-angled and the Nigar soripta?"?,

72

(8) The-lower portion of the left half of A and A almost invariably. consists of a
curve, open towards the left, which first appeara occasionally in the Kusana insoriptions
(see above, 3 19, B, 1) and later regularly on the Uccakalpa plates (plate IV, 1, IX). It
is preserved in the Balbodh of the Marithiis and is common in the Bombay editions of
Sanskrit works. In other late specimens of the Nigari, it is replaced by two slanting
strokes (plate V, 1, 2, XVI), to which a third, a remnant of an earlier wodge at the foot
of the vertical, is added lower down. This form is the parent of the A, A, used in the
Benares and Calcutta prints. Up to the Sth century, the long A is invariably differentiated
by the addition of a curve to the right end of /d. Later, its mark is a downward stroke,
Which is attached either to the right of the top (e. g., plate IV, 3, X XI) or to the middle
(plate 1V, 2, XXII) and thus reocoupies the same positions which the corresponding horizontal
bar has in the ASoka edicts?°?, In the MSS., the downstroke at the top is found even
earlier (plate VI, 2, VI). '

(4) The sign for I ia mostly derived from the Gupta form of Indor (plate IV, 3, VII)
by the substitution of a curve for the third dot (plate IV, 3, XI-XIII; V, 3, II-LV,
&o.; VI, 8, V-IX). But in addition there is (plate V, 3, V, XII, XII, &c.; VI, 3, X1I-XV)
a derivative from the I of the Uceakalpa plates (IV, 8, IX), in which the upper dot is
replaced by a straight line; and this J is the parent of the modern Devaniigari J, in which
the two lower dots have been changed into curves and finally have been connected. In Jaina
MSS., the I with two dots above and a curve below ocours occasionally as late as the 15th and
16th centuries. The unique early forms of the long J (plate VI, 4, V, VIL), as well as their
later development (plate VI, 4, XV), which has followed the analogy of J, deserve attention.

(5) U and U invariably show at the lower end a tail, drawn towards the left,
which in course of time is developed more and more fully.

(6) The curve of #, attached to the right of the ra, becomes very shallow and
long in the Horiuzi palm-leaves (plate VI, 7, V), and this shallow curve is the precursor
of the vertical line of the later palm-leaf MSS. of Western India (plate VI, 7, KV-XVII).
In the Cambridge MS. No. 1049 (plate VI, 7, VII) ond in No. 1691, the r-curve is
attached to the lower end of the ra.

(7) Among the signs for R, G and L, which are firat traceable in the MSS. of
this period (plate VI, 8-10, V, VII, %), the long FP is clearly formed by the addition of a
second y-curve to the short #. In the Cambridge MSS. Nos. 1049 and 1691; L is
represented by a cursive southern Ja (see plate VII, 34, VI-IX), just as the oldest medial
fin kf (VII, 42, XIV) is identical with another form of la; and the long Zi is derived from
the short vowel by the addition of a second Ja, turned in the opposite direction. In the
I, and E of the Horiuzi palm-leaves (plate VI, 9, 10, V), the Ja haa been turned round
towards the left, and respectively one and two r-curves have been attached to the foot.
And the combination | (¢)-r remains [54] also in the Nigari both of the palm-leaves from
Western India (plate VI, 9, 10, KV)-and of our days, the reason being no doubt the
pronunciation Ir, which is customary both there and in other parts of India. These
paleographical facts agree with the tradition of the Chinese Buddhists who, as 8. Lévi
has discovered, “°*, ascribe the invention of the signs for the liquid yowels to a South-

73
Indian, sither to Sarvavarman, the minister of the Andhra king Satayahana, or to the
great Buddhist teacher Nagarjuna.

(8) £ and AI invariably turn the baso of the triangle upwards, and this innovation
ig found already in the inscriptions with transitional forma (plate IV, 5, K, KI)

(9) Ka shows almost invariably?°> on the left a loop, caused by the connection of
the end of the bent oross-bar with the Serif or wedgs at the foot of the vertical, except
in combinations with the subscribed vowels u and r (see, og., plate IV, 7, XIV; V, 10, IIL;
VI, 15, XVI, XVID) or with other consonants (see, e.g., plata IV, 41, XVI; V, 43, U1, II;
VL 49, V, SV, XVIII). In the Nigari inscriptions, the looped form occurs, however,
not rarely also in the latter cases (see, e.g, plate IV, 7, XX. KXIT: V, 43, VI, X-XIT1),

(10) The loop or traingle of kha, which represents the ancient circle (plate II,
10, VI, and above, §3, A, 19), stands, in all the greatly varying forma of the letters, at the
left of the verticals. The very considerable differences in the shape of the left limb are
partly dus to the flattening of the top of the letter and still more to the various ornamental
changes of the wedge, which first was added to the lower end of the ancient hook,

(11) The dot to the right of 2, which is so characteristic in the modern Devanagari
letter, appears already on the Benares copper-plate of Karna of A. D. 1042 in thea word
jafigama (line 11, end)?°°, while our plates offer only on example from a much later
document (see plate V, 14, XIX), The dot may possibly have been derived from the
protuberance, which is often found at the end of the top-stroke of the letter (see, ag.,
plate V, 14, V, VI, VIII).

(12) The central bar of ja firat is made to slant downwards (plate IV, 14, XXI-XXIII,
dc.) and then changed into a vertical (V, 17, XIII, &e.: VI, 23, XII, &c.). At the same
time, the upper bar becomes the top-stroke of the letter, and the lowest is gradually
converted into a double curve.

(13) The right limb of the independent fia of the Horiuzi palm-leaves (VI, 24, V)
jg turned upwards, and the same form occurs occasionally in ligatures. But in the latter
the sign is usually laid om its side, its angles are converted into curves and the right limb
is attached to the end of the greatly shortened vertical. Hence it often looks like na (see
plate IV, 16, XI, &.; V,19, IV, V, &e.). In the Nigari of the llth and later centuries,
the subscript fia is attached to the left limb of ja (plate V, 19, XII-XIV ; VI, 24, a VI),
and the cursive jna of the modern Devanigari, which the Hindus now consider to be a
Miatrki, ia due to a simplification of this form.

(14) Since the 6th-century, a wedge is often placed above the lingual {a (plate IV,
17, XVII; V, 20, I, VI; VI, 25, VI); and in the Nigari a horizontal line with a short
vertical or slanting stroke appears in tho place of the wedge (plate IV, 17, XXJ, EXIM: Y,
20, XIVI, &o, ; VI, 25, XV)

(15) Similar additions appear above the lingual {ha since the 10th century (plate
-V, 21, 3, &o. ; VI, 26, XV).

(16) Since the 9th century, the round-backed lingual da of the southern alphabets,
ending with a curve open to the left, comes into uze (plate V, 22, IJ, VIII, &c.).

10

74

(17) The suppression of the original base-stroke of the lingual #a occurs in ligatures
(mda, plate IV, 21, XIX) sinea the Tth century, and in the uncombined sign since the 8th
century (plate V, 24, III); compare also above, § 29, B, 10, and plate IV, 21, Il]. The
sign soon after assumes the modern form and consists of a straight top-stroke with three
lines hanging down from it (plate V, 24, VI, &. ; VI, 29, XV, &e.)

; (18) The modern form of ta with the vertical on the right, which occurs already
in the Asoka edicts, reappears in the Sth century (plate IV, 22, XI) and becomes the
regular one in the 10th century.

(19) The modern form of tha, which hag been derived from the notched one of the
Tth century (plate IV, 23, XVII), is found already in the inscriptions of the same period
(plate IV, 23, XVIII, &.).

(20) (55) In the Tth century, the lower end of da is more clearly defined by a
Serif (plata IV, 24, XVII, &.), which soon after is changed into the characteristic
tail of the modern letter.

(21) Already in the Tth century, the right side of ma becomes occasionally a
vertical, to the left of which the loop is attached (plate IV, 26, XVIII, XIX); compare
also below, $30.

(22) Onthe transformation of pha by the development of a central vertical (see
above, under 1), the curve of aspiration is attached first to the top of the new sign
(plate TV, 28, XXII; V, 31, ILI, &.). But in the 11th century it sinks lower down
(plate V, 31, XII), and it occupies already in the 12th century the position which it has
in the modern Devanagari letter (plate V, 31, RX-XXIII). Retrograde archaic forms, like
thoee in plate ¥V, 31, II, XIV, are, however, not rare, Their occurrence has probably to be
explained by the influence of the popular cursive alphabets.

(93) As va was very generally pronounced ba, the ancient sign for ba was loat
in Northern, Central and Western India, and it was replaced by ta in the inscriptions
of the 7th and later centuries ( plate IV, 29, XX; V, 32, II, &.). In tha MSS. the
substitution occurs even earlier (plata VI, 37, V, VI) A new 6a, consisting of va with
a dot inthe centre of the leop, occurs since the 11th century (plate V, 33, XVI), and
this form is the parent of the modern Devanigari letter.

(24) The left limb of bha, mostly an inverted wedge with the point towards the
right, is frequently changed into a triangle, open at the apex, from which the lower portion
of the original vertical hangs down (plate IV, 30, XIX, &c.; V, 33, II, &e. ). The modern
Devanigaili bha appears in the 12th century { plate V, 33, XV, &c. ) and seems to be derived
from the form with the wedge, for which latter a Serif was substituted.

(25) Since the Sth century: ma usually has on the left a cursive loop (plate IV, 31,
XX, XXI), which in the MSS. is mostly filled in with ink (plate VI, 39, XV-XVII),

(26) Both the MSS., and most inseripitions, with the exception of one from Udaypur
(above, mote 412) and some from Nepal (mote 220), offer exclusively the looped or
the bipartite ya, which latter occurs already in the inscriptions of the Kusina period,?5"
and has been derived from the looped form.2° In the Nepalese inscriptions of the Tth
century, which show the eastern sa,°°° we find a tripartite ya with a small circle at

'’ =

18

the top of the firat upstroke (plate IV, 82, XVII); the Udaypur inscription has both
the ordinary tripartite ya of the Gupta period, and also the bipartite lotter.

(97) The right extremity of the wedge at the lower end of ra is often greatly
elongated in the inscriptions of the Tth and later centuries (plate IV, 33, XVIII-XXI, &.),
and sometimes only the outlines of the wedge are marked. These forms are the precursors
of the modern tailed ra.

(98) Since the Tth century, we find a cursive éa (plate IV, 36, RVIIL; 42, ATA; .
V, 39, II, II, &.; VI, 44, XV-XVID, the left half of which has been turned into a loop
with a litttle tail on the right. .

B.—Medial vowels and so ferth.

(1) Medial a, ¢, 0, au, as well og one of the Matriia of ai, are placed very frequently
above the line, and are then, particularly in the stone inscriptions, treated more or lesa
ornamentally (see, eg., plate IV, cols. XIII-XVIII). More rarely medial ¢ and are
treated in the same way.

(2) The tails of the curves of medial i and? are regularly drawn down low, respec-
tively to the left and the right of the Matrka, while the differences in the curves af the top
disappear. These forms lead up to the i and i of the mordern Devaniigari.

(3) Medial «@ is expressed very frequently by the initial U of the period (plate IV,
99, XII, XIV, XVI, XX; VI, 44, VI). [56] Bué an older form, found, e.g. in pu
(IV, 27, VI), ia also common and appears to be the parent of the modarn u, which
occurs already in the western plam-leaf MSS. (see pw, plate VI, 35, XVI).

\4) Since the Tth century7°°—first on the Banskhera plate of Harga,—the Jihvi-
miiliya is occasionally expressed by o cursive sign, consisting of a loop under the wedge of ka
(plate V, 47, III).

(5) Since the 7th century, the Upadhmiiniya is oocasionally expressed by a curva
open above, with curled ends and sometimes with a dot in the centre. This sign is
attached to the left side of the Matrka (plate IV, 46, EXIM; V, 48, VID). Itseems to
be derived from a form like that in plate VII, 46, LV.

(6) In the older inscriptions, the Virfima ia still frequently placed above the
vowelless consonant, for which invariably a final form ia used ; and it recaives a tail,
which is drawn downwards to the right of the Mutrka (see, «.g., plate IV, 22, XIV).
But even more commonly it stands below the consonant, and if occurs in this position
already in the inscriptions with transitional forms (plate IV, 22, X1)?*?,

O.—The ligatures.

(1) Both in the inscriptions and in the MSS. of the 6th and later centuries, we
find oceasionally ligatures, in which the second consonant’ is placed to the right of the
first, instead of below it (see, eg., plate IV, 45, XI; V, 47, Its VI, 51, Ll ei

(2) For the stone inscriptions of the acute-angled alphabet, the subseript ya
frequently is made ornamental and drawn far to the left. Since the Tth century, and
occassionally even earlier, the right-hand upstroke of ya is drawn up as far as the
upper line of the whole sign (see, e.g.. plate IV, 46, VIII, AIS; 44, 45, XIII; VI, 51. V2).

16

(3) Fa, being the first part of a compound consonant, usually stands above tho
line and is expressed bya wedge, or by an angle or @ curve open to the right. But io
rma the left side of a is shortened, and the top of the wedgs, which is placed on this
shortened lines, does not protrude above the upper lina (plate VI, 49, VI). Similar depressions
of the superscribed ra are found in connection with other consonants in the Aphsad
inscription="*, on Haraga's copper-plates, and in some MSS. (plate VI, 51, KIII, XIV),
Until the 9th century, rya ia often expressed by a full ra with a subscribed ya (see, o.€.,
plate IV, 44, XVIII ; 45, VII ; and compare EI. 3, 103), .

$25—THE SARADA ALPHABET : PLATES V AND VI.

A.—The Sarada script?"*, which is easily recognized as a descendant of thea western
Gupta alphabet, appears since about A, D. 800 in Kashmir and in the north-eastern Pafijab
(Kangra and Chamba). The oldest known Stradi inscriptions ara the two Baijnith
Prasastis from Kiragriima (Kangra), dated A.D. 804: see plate V, col. I. Not much Istar
are the coins of the Varma dynasty of Kashmir, where the Sirada forms are likewise fully
developed?®*, And it is not improbable that the Bakhshali MS., found in the Yusufzai
distric: (plate VI, Col. VIII), belongs to the same or even a somewhat earlicr period?*®,
The third specimen of the Sarada in plate VI, col. IX, which ultimately is derived from
Burkhard's plate I, in his edition of the Kashmirian Sakuntala?®’, dates perhaps only from,
the 16th or 17th century ; it has been given merely because af present no reproductions of
more ancient MSS. are accessible"®*. In consequence of the frequent emigrations of the
travel-loving Kashmirian Pandits, Sarada& MSS. are found in many towns of North-Western
India and further east in Benares, and marginal glosses in Siradi characters are found even
in ancient Nigri MSS. from Western India?®®, A [57] modern cursive variety of the Sarada
is the so-called Takkari or Takari?*° of the Dogris in Jammii and the neighbourhood, which
of late has been imported also into Kashmir. ics

B.—A general characteristic of the Sarada of all periods is found in the stiff, thick
strokes which give the characters an uncouth appearance and a cartain resemblance to
thore of tha Kusiina period. The following signs show, already in the earliest period,
peculiar developments :—

(1) The J, which consists of two dots, placed side by side, and (compare the I of
the Bower MS.) 4 ra-like figure below, which represents the other two dots (plate V, 4,1;
VI, 4, TX).

(2) The quadrangulat ca (plate V, 15, I ; VI, 20, VIIT, IX),

(3) The lingual da, which shows in the middle a loop, instead of an acute angle, and
a wedge at the end (plate V, 29, I VI, 27, VIII, IX).

(4) The dental ta, which, being derived from a looped form, has lost its left half,
while the right hag been converted into a curve (plate V, 25, I; VI, 30, VIII, IX).

(5) The dental dha, which is flattened ab the top and is below go broad that it regem-
bles a Devaniigari pa.

(6) The va, which, owing to the connection of the left side of the curve with
the top-stroke, closely resembles dha (plate V, 38, 1; VI, 43, VIII, IX). )

77

(7) The quadrangular é2, which exactly resembles a Nigari sa (plate V, 39,
I; VI, 44, VIII, TX).

(8) The angular medial r (plate V, 49,0; VI, 48, VIIT), and the detached
o, which stands by itself above the line iplate V, 24, 1; VI, 31, IX), and without
doubt is derived from the Gupta o (plate IV, 84, TV).

(9) The ra, which, as a first part of ligatures, is inserted into the left side of
the second letter, just a3 in the Aphsad inscription?’',

The other letters of the earlier doouments differ very little from those of the
western Gupta alphabet, and the changes, which are found, all oceur aleo in the
acute-angled ecript. The constant use of the bipartite ya, of the ma with the
suppressed base-stroke (see above, § 24, A, 17), of the ¢ and 7, drawn down respec-
tively to the left and the right of the consonant (3 94, B, 2), and of the simplified
Jihvimtiliya (plate V, 47, I), indicates that the separation of the Saradai from the
Gupta alphabet did not take place before the Tth cantury.

In the later Saradi (plate VI, col. TX), further abnormal developments aro
noticeable in (’, BE, AI, O, AU, ja, tia, bha, rtha (which latter occurs also in plate VI,
eol. VIII', and owing to the use of long topratrokes the heada of several letters, such
as A, Iand ya, are closed.

$26.—EASTERN VARIETIES OF THE NAGARI ALPHABET
AND THE ARROW-HEAD SORIPT.
A.—Proto-Bengili : Plates V and VI.

Towards the end of the 11th century, the Nigari inscriptions of Eastern Indian shew
such distinct traces of changes leading upto the modern Bongali writing, and these changes
become so numerous in the 19th cantury, that it is possible to class their alphabets as Proto-
Bengali. An approximate idea of the development of the Proto-Bengili may be obtained by
comparing the characters cf the following documents, represented in our plates :—(1) of the
Deopiri Prasasti®** of about A.D, 1080-90 (plate V, col, XVIII), which includes the Bengali
E, kha, fia, ta, tha, ma, ra, la, and ga ; (2) of Vaidyadeva's: land-grant?7* of A.D. 1149 (plate
Y, col. XIX), with the Bengali A; E, AI, kha, go, ha, ta, tha, dha, ra and va; and (8) of
the Cambridge MSS. No. 1699, 1, 9°" *, of A. D. 1198-99 (plate VI, col. X), which offers the
Bengali A, A, U, #, B,D, BL, B, Al, AU, ka, kha, ga, ta, tha, na, ma, yo ra, va and 44, as
well as transitional forms of gha, fia, a, and éa.

Only a fow among the Proto-Bangili letters are new local formations. Tho great
majority occurs already in other older scripts, bo it in exactly the same or in similar shape.
(58] Thus, its A, B, £ and EB agree closely with the corresponding characters of the Horiuzi
MS. (plate VI, 7-10, V), its U with that of the oldest MS. from Nepal (plate VI, 6, VII; compare
also the Sirada, VI, 6, IX), and its AU with that of the Bower MS. (plate VI, 14, I, II). Its
signa for A, A, ka, na, ma, ya, va, $a, and sa ocour repeatedly in various alphabets of tha
Sth-10th centuries, given in plates IV, V. Its kha, opened on the right, finds an analogy in that
of the Bower MS. (plate VI, 16, I), and ita tha, likewise opaned on the right, somewhat resem-

78

=

bles that of plate V, 26,IX. Finally, the ga and na with the verticals, rising on the right
above the line, have precursors in the letters of the 9th and 10th centuries with horn-like
protuberances (plate V, 12, 24, II-IV, VI; compare also above, § 94, A, 1). Even the ra,
resembling va (plate V, 86, XIX ; VI, 41, 49, X), may easily be recognised as due to a slightly
abnormal development of the wedge at the end of the letter, for which, forms fram Western
and Central India in plate Y, 96, XIII, XLV, offer more or lesa close analogies. Only the E |
and AJ, open on the left, and the peculiar jia in ica (plate V, 19, XVIII) and in jaa (plate
VI, 24, X), appear to be purely local new formations. And this may be true algo of the fa
(plate V, 25, XVIII, XIX; VI, 30, X), which, however, does nob differ much from the
Saradii sign and from the final ¢ of some other alphabets.

The most striking and important among the peculiarities of the Proto-Bengali,
discarded in the modern Bengili script, are the amall triangles with the rounded lower
side and the ‘Nepalese hooks", which area attached to the left of the tops of yarious
lettera. The triangle is found in yi (plate V, 47, XVIII) and in very many letters of plate
V, col, XIX; while the hook occurs in the ka and ja of plate V, 25 and 43, XVIII?"5.
If further we compare the Tarpan-Dighi inscription of Lakgmanasena 77", where the triangles
and hooks frequently appear alternately in connection. with the same letters, it becomes
evident that the “Nepaless hook” is a cursive substitute for the triangle. The triangle
itself is a modification of the top-atroke with a semi-circle below, occasionally met with
in ornamental inscriptions from Nothern and Central India, as, eg, in Vinfiyakapala’s
plate (letters with this peculiarity have not been given in plate IV, col. XXIII)
and in the Candella inscription in Cunningham's Archaeological Reports, Vol. 10, plate 33,
No. 3, This last mentioned form again is connected with, and gives the outlines of, the
thick top-strokes, rounded off at both ends, which are not rare in ornamental MSS. like
that figured by Bendall, Catalogue of Sanskrit Buddhist MSS. from Nepal, plate 3, Noa.

1, 2, and in the alphabet of plate VI, col. XIV (see particularly lives 5, 7, 15, 30, 34, 37, 49).
Among the abnormal single signs, not received into the modern Bengali, the following
degerve special remarks :—

(1) The forms of J in plate V, 3, XVIII, and VI, 3, X, are cursive developments
of the ancient J in plate IV, 3, IX, &e. Bot the ZT and J of plata V, 3, 4, XIX, appear
fo be southern forms; compare plate VII, 3, IV-VI.

(3) The curious {2 of plate V, 90, XIX, seams to have been produced by an
abnormally strong development of a ‘‘Nepalesa hook” with a Serif ab the end, placed above
the ancient round {a, which is represented by the second lower curve on the left ; compare
the fa of col, XVIII, and that of the Cambridge MS. No. 1693 (Bendall, op. cit., p'ate 4). |

(3) The na of plate V, 29, XIX, without a connecting stroke between the loop and
the vertical, is due to the strongly developed predilection for cursive forms, which is
visible also in other letters of Vaidyadeva's insoription, such as A,A, éa and the ligature
tky (plate V, 47, XIX). :

(4) The triangular medial wu, for instance of ku (plate V, 10, XIX), which appears also
in Laksmanagena’s Tarpan-Dighi grant and other eastern inscriptions, gives outline of the
older wedge-shaped form, found, e. g., in tiu (plate V, 26, XVIII) and in gu (plate VI, 45, IT),

79

J (5) The Anusvira of vam (plate V, 35, XTX) and of kam (plate VI, 15, %) has been
placed on the line, as in the Old-Kanarese (see below, § 29, OC, 5) and the modern Grantha,
and a Virima stands below if.

(6) Inthe Om of plate V, 9, XVIII, we have the oldest example of the occurrence
of the modern Anunfisika. In this case, it shows a little circle instead of the more usual
dot, which is found in tha Om of plate VI, 13, XI. Both forms are rather frequent in the
eastern inscriptions of the 19th century*"’, whereas in the wost4’* they ara more rare and
are confined to the word Om. The Anuniisika, which I bave not found in any Indian
inscriptipon older than the 11th century, probably is an intentional modification of the
Anusvara, invented because in Vedic MSS. the Anunisika must be substituted for an
Anusvira followed by liquid consonants, sibilants and ha.

(7) [59] The Visarga of vah (plate V, 38, XVIII) carries a wedge at the top,
which addition appears also in other ornamental scripts (see, e. gz. plate VI, 30, XIV) ; in
the A of plate VI, 51, X (compare also VI, 41, XI, and the Gaya insoription), if has bean
changed cursively into a form resembling our figure 8. In the Gay inscription (IA. 10,
$42), as well as in MSS. of this Aaah if receives also a small tail (compara tah, plate -
VI, 30, XIV).

B.—The Nepalese hooked characters: Plate VI.

According to Bendall's careful examination of the MSS. from Nepal?®°, the hooked
characters first occur in the 19th century and disappear towards the and of the 15th. The
facts, stated above, which prove the occurranca of the “Nepalese hooks” in Bengal inscrip--
tions of the 12th century and explain their origin, leave no doubt that the introduction
of this modification of the top-strokea is due to the influence of Bengal, which, as Bendall
has recognised"*", makes itself felt also in other points.

The firat of the two specimens of this character in plata VI, col. AI, which is
derived from the Cambridge MS. No. 1691, of A. D. 117979", shows in the majority of the
letters the forms of the Horiuzi Palm-leaves and of the Cambridge MS. No. 1049 (cols. V-
VII), with a few small modifications, such as might be expected ina much later document.
Irrespective of the hooks, special Bengali peculiarities are observable only in J, 7, E and
AT. Generally speaking, thesa remarka hold good also for the second specimen in plate
VI, col. XII, from the the British Museum MS., Oriental No. 1439, of A.D. 128675%,
But in this script the Bengali influence is visible in E, va, dha, and 4a (compare the
transitional forma of V, 39, XVIII, XIX), while its Z is very archaic.?°*

Nepal and Tibet seem to have preserved a number of other, mostly ornamental,
alphabets of Eastern Iodia,2®°, hand-drawn tables of which have been given by B. Hodgson
( Asiatic Reseaches, Vol. 16) and by Sarat Chandra Das (J. ASB., Vol. 57, plates 1 to 7). But
up to present time no reliable materials are available, on which a paleographical examinatfon
of these scripts could be based.

O.—The arrow-head alphabet: Plate VI.

The arrow-head alphabet, plate VI, cols. XVIII, XIX, which ©. Bendall, its dis-

coverer2°°, is inclined to identify with Bertini’s bhatkguki lipi, appears to be con-

80

fined to Eastern India. It, of course, has no connection with the Niigari, but, as
Bendall points out in his very careful description, is the immediate offspring of an
ancient ‘form of the Briihmi. It would seem that the A, A, ka, fa. ra and perhaps
also the yha of the present alphabet have curves at the lower end. This peculiarity,
as well as the peculiar HZ, noted by Bendall (compare plate VIII, 8, VIIT) and the
absence of a difference between ¢ and ra, seem to indicate that the present alphabet
belonged, to the southern scripts, for which these points are characteristic (compare
plate ITT, cols. X-XX, and plates VII, VIII). Its pointed kha, ga, and ga likewise occur in
southern alphabets (see plate IIJ, 8, VII; VII, 9, XI, XIV; VI, 11, XVIT; 36, IV,
XVI, XX). And the forms of a, fa and na perhaps point rather to the south-
west than to the south (compare plate VII, cola. I, II, &e.). Only in the case of the
looped sa it is possible-to think of northern (Gupta) influence; but the possibility
that it is an independent new formation is mot excluded. An inscription in the same alphabet,
and shewing wedges instead of arrow-heads at the top of the letters, has been discussed by
Bendall in TA. 19, 77 f. |

V. THE SOUTHERN ALPHABETS.
§ 27.—Definition and varieties.

(60) With Burnell and Fleet, I understand by the term “southern alphabets" the
scripts of plates VII and VIII?*", which, developed out of the characters of the Andhra
period, have been generally used since about A.D. 350 in the territories south of the Vindhya,
and most of which still survive in the modern alphabets of the Dravidian districts.

Their most important common characteristic are :—

(1) The retention of the ancient forms, open at the top, of gha, pa, pha, sa and sa of the
old ma, and of the tripartite ya which ia looped only occasionally, especially in the Grantha.

(2) The retention of the long stroke on tae right of la, which however is moatly bent
towards the left.

(3) The da with the round back.

(4) The curves, originally open at the top, at the ends of the long verticles of 4, A,
ka, Fa, and ra, as well as of the subscript ra and of medial u and uw.

(5) The medial r with a curled curva on the loft, with occasional exceptions
occurring in kr.

According to other peculiarities, the southern alphabets may be divided into the
following varieties? ** :—

(1) The western variety, which, being strongly influenced by thea northern alphabets,
is the ruling script between about A.D. 400 and about A.D. 900 in Kathiavad, Gujarat, the
western portion of the Marithai districte, i. the Collectorates of Nasik, Khindesh and
Satara, in the part of Haidaribad (Ajanti) contiguous to Kbandesh and in the Konkan, and
which, during the Sth century occasionally occurs also in Rajputiina and the Central Indian
Agency, but altogether disappears in the 9th century in consequence of the inroads of
the Nigari alphabet (see above, 3 21).

Bl

aay (2) The Contral-Indian script, which in its simplest form closely agrees with the
weatern variety, but in its more developad form, the so-called “box-headed alphabet”
shows greater differences, and which from the end of tha 4th century ig common in
northern Haidaribad, the Central Provinces ani parts of the Central-Indian Agency (Bundel-
khand)," but appears also occasionally further south in the Bombay Presidenoy and even in
Maisfir. Fin 3

(3) Tho seript of the Kanarese and Telugu districts of the Dekhan,—i.e. of the southern
portion of the Bombay Presidency (the southern Maratha States, Sholipur, Bijapur, Rategen:
Dhirwir and Karwiir), of the southern territory of Haidarabad (roughly speaking south af
Bidar), of Maistir, and of the north-east portion of the Madras Presidency (Vizagapatam,
Godavari, Kistna, Karniil, Bellary, Anantpur, Caddapah, Nellore),—which appears first in the
Kadamba inscriptions of the 5th and 6th centuries, and after a long development leads to the
very similar and temporarily identical Kanaress and Telugu round-hand,

(4) The later Kalinga alphabet of the north-eastern coast of the Madras Presidancy
between Cicacole and the frontier of Orissa (Gafijaim), which is strongly mixed with
northern letters and in later times also with Grantha and Kanarese-Telugu characters,
and which occurs in inscriptions of the Tth-12th centuries. |

(6) ‘The Grantha alphabet of the eastern coast of Madras, South of Pulikat
(North and South Arcot, Salem, Trichinopoli, Madura and Tinnevelli), which firat appears
in the ancient Sanskrit inseriptiona of the Pallava dynasties, and survives in the modern
Grantha and its varioties, the Malayalam and the Tulu.

The Tamil alphabet of the same districts and of the western coast of Madraa
(Malabar) poobably is derived from a northern script, imported in the 4th or Sth century, bu&
greatly modified by the influence of the Grantha, A eursive variety of the Tamil alphabat is
found in Vatteluttu (the “round-hand"”, Burnell) or Cera-Pandya (Aultzsch)?*", which is known
through inscriptions from the western coast and the extreme south of the Peninsula, and
secording to Burnell (61) has fallen into disuasa only in recent times??°, Though these two
alphabets come from a different source, they have been included in this chapter, because
they occur in the same districta as the other five,

§98.—_THE WESTERN SCRIPT AND THE SCRIPT OF CENTRAL INDIA;
PLATES VII AND VIII
A.—The western script.

The western variety of the southern alphabets is found in the inacriptiong of the
Imperial Guptas and their vassals since the time of Oandragupta IIl*"", of the kings of
Valabhi???, of the Gurjaras of Broach?**, of some of the Oslukyas of Badimi (Pulakedin IT
and Vijayabhattarika), and of Nasik and Gujarat and their vassals*’*, of the Traikiitakas?®5,
of the Admakas (?) of Khindesh®"*, and of the Rastrakiitas of Gujarat?°7, as well as in
numerous votive inscriptions in the caves of Kanheri, Nasik and Ajanta?®*®, Ordinarily,
its characters no doubt wera written with ink, just like those of the northern alphabatg
(sea above, § 91). This is made highly probable by the use of wedges on the tops of
ll

82

the letters during the Gupta period (see plate VII, cols. L-ITI} and by the thick, frequently
knob-lika, heads of the signs of the Valabhi, Gurjara and Risgtrakiita grants (plate VIT,
cols, [V-IX, and plate VIII, col. I), both of .which ornaments can only be drawn with ink.
Another argument is furnished by the fact that all the copper-plates from Gujarat have bean
eut according to the ordinary siza of the Bhiirja leaves (Burnell), on which if is not
possible to write with a stilus.

The finds of nearly or quite contemporaneous insoriptions with northern characters
in Rijputina, the Central-Indian Agency?”*, and Yalabbi, ag well as the Nigari signatures
of the Gurjara princes®®", prove that northern scripts were being used simultaneously with
this southern alphabet. And this circumstance is no doubt the cause of its showing traces
of northern peculiarities in the following letters -—{1) in the kha with a large loop and a
emall hook (plate VII, ©, LIS; VIII, 19, Th- instead of ‘which the true southern form
appears only very rarely°”"); ‘(2) in the ca, rounded off on the right (plate VII, 13, I-IXs
VIII, 16,.1); (8) in the ancient ta without a loop (plate VII, 22, I-IX 5 VIII, 25,1);
. (47 in the narrow dha (plate Vil, 25, 1-IX; VUE, 28, I: compare plate IV, 25, I-IIf) ;
(5) in the looped na (plate VII, 26, L-IX; VIII, 29, 1), which agrees more exactly with
the northern-forme of plate IV, 26, than with the southern one of VII, 26, XIII (compare
below, $29, A); (6) In the Mitras often placed above the line in medial ¢ (plate VII,
96, V), ai (plate VIT, 10, TV) and o (plate VIII, 35, I), which latter, however, has a peculiar
looped form in lo (plate VII, 34, Ill, IV}; (7) in the medial au, consisting of three
strokes above the line (VII, 25,°V; 26, Ill}: and compare plate IV, 7, IV); (8) im the
subscript 7ia, which oécasionally, as in plate VII, 42, VII, shows the northern cursive form.
The inscriptions Nus. 17 and 62 of Fleet's Gupta Inseriptions (CIT. 3), plates 10, $3, 5B,
which are not represented in plate VII, show, [62] besides, the northern A and ka without
the curve at the foot. A ka of this description occurs also sometimes in the Valabbi
inscriptions (plate VII, 8, V).

Irrespective of these northern peculiarities, which throughout remain almost
unchanged, the characters of this script show three stages in their development, bhat of
the 5th century (plate VII, cols. I-III), that of the 6th and 7th centuries (cols. IV-VI,
VIII), and that of the 6th (col. IX) and 9th centuries (plate VIII, col. 1) which last is
very markedly cursive.

Among the single letters the following deserve special remarks :—

(1) The I (plate VII, 3, IV, ff.; VIII, 3, I)). which here, a3 in most southern
alphabets, conaists of ao curved line with a notch in the centre and of two dots below,
and which appears to be a modification of a form like that in plate IV, 3, Ik.

(2) The J (plate VII, 3, 1; VIII, 4, 1), which, like that of the Bower MS. (plate VI,
4, I), has been developed by the transformation of two dots into a line, but in addition
has the curved tail, characteristic of the southern alphabets.

(3) The E, which usually consists of a triangle with the apex at the top, and
is irregularly broadened on the left (plate VII, 6, I; and compare AI in VII, 6, VID,
and vhich from the end of the 6th century frequently, especially in Gurjara inscriptions,
is opened at the top (plate VII, 6, VI) and finally resembles a northern la (plate VIII, 8, I).

83

(4) The da, which in its oldest form (plate VII, 19, IT), ag mostly in the southern
alphabets, is undistinguishable from da, but from the 6th century develops a little tail
(plata VII, 19, IV-IX), or, in some inscriptions of the Sth and 9th centuries, o loop ab
the end (plate VII, 43, VIL; plate VIII, 22, I),

(5) Tho tha with a ringleb on the base-line (plate VIJ, 23, III, IV, VI) instead
of the eross-bar (plate VII, 23, I, II), developed out of the ancient dot, or since the end
of the 6th century with the southern notch in the base (plate VII, 23, VII-IX ;. plate
VIII, 26, I)?°?.

(6) The la with the diminutive main portion of the original sign and the enormous
tail (plate VII, 34, VI, VIII), which latter since the 7th century frequently becomes the
sole representative of the letter (plate VII, 34, VII, IX).

(7) The 4a, which shows regularly in the Gurjara inscriptions (plate VIII, 39, I)
and the Nasik Calukya inseription®’*, and occasionally in the YVYalabbi insoriptions® ’*,
a cursive combination of the crosa-bar with the vertical on the right, which occura also
in the north?”*,

(8) The sa, which occasionally shows (plate VII, 38, V) « cursive com bination
of the left limb with the Serif occurring algo in southern scripts (plate VIII, 41, XT).

(9) A number of cursive forms in ligatures, thus :—(a) The prefixed ia which often
loses the hook on the right and looks like ga (compare algo plate V, 19, V, VIL). (b) The
prefixed na, which especially before fa, tha, dha and na (see the nta of anumantavyah,
plate VII, 42, V) consists of a horizontal or bent stroke and looks like ta, (c) The
subscript ka, which occasionally, as in ska (plate VII, 46, VIII), is looped on the left
(compare IA. 11, 305). (d) The subscript ca of jica (plate VII, 41, VIL, IX), which
since the 6th century remains open on the right and bears the hook of fia on its base.
(s) Thea subscript ya, which already since early times is merely indicated by a loop
(see rnia, plate VII, 41, 1V). (f) The subscript tha, which, as im other southern alphabets
(compare, o.g., plate WIT, 45, XX), is changed to a double curve open on the right (plate VIT,
45, 1V ; plate VIII, 49, I).

B.—The script of Central India.

The Central-Indian seript is found fully developed in the inecriptions of Samudragupta
at Eran and of Candragupta II at Udayagiri®°’, on the copper-plates of the kings of
Sarabbapura®°*, of the Vakitakas®°®, and of Tivara king of Kosala?!°, and in two early
Kadamba inscriptions?!1, In all these documents, the heads of the letters bear small
squares, which are either hollow (plata WII, col. XI) or filled in (pl. VU, col. X). These
squares, to which on aécount of their resemblances to small boxes the scrips owes the
name “box-headed”, are, like the wedges, artificial developments of the Serifs. The solid,
filled in, squares probably have been invented by writers who [63] used ink, and the hollow
ones by persons writing with a stilus, who feared to tear their palm-leaves- Both varieties
of “box-heads” occur occasionally or constantly in other districts and in connection with
other alphabets (see, eg, the Valabhi inscription of plate VO, col. V, the archaic Kadamba
inscription of plate VII, col. XII, the Pallaya inscription of plate VII, col. XX), and even

84

in Nos. 21 and 21, A, of the Campa inscriptions from Further Indig***, But tho very
Peculiar appearance of the Central-Indian inseriptions of this class is due to the more or
less rigorous modification of the letters by the contraction ef their breadth and the
conversion of all curves into angular strokes, This ig hest visible in the grants, figured
in EI. 9, 960, and in Ficet’s Gupta Inscriptions (CII, 3), Nos. 40, 41, 56, 81, plates 26, 27,
35, 45, among which No, &6 is represented in col, XI of our plate VI, while col. X
offers the less carefully modified characters of F.GT (OIL. §), No. 55, plate 34. Both
these inscriptions were issued in the same year from the Dharmadhikarana of the Vakdtaka
king Pravarasena II.

Traces of the influence of the northern alphabets are. visible in this forips just as in
the western variety, and particularly in the letters ta, dha, na, and in the Matris of
medial ¢, ai and o, which in F.GI (OI. 3), No. 81, plate 45 (not in ‘our plate), shew
the peculiar tailed northern form of the 7th and 8th centuries. But in the ligatures
(see, for instance, nta, plate VII, 43, X), we meet repeatedly with the looped ta and
with the na without the loop, and evan an independent looped {a appears exceptionally?2*
in the word snita@nam (No. 55, line 7; No. 56, line 6). Medial au has the tripartise
western and northern form in F. GI (OIf. 8), Nos. 2, 5, 40, 81, plates 2 A. B, 95, 45,
but the southern bipartite form (see dau, plate VIT, 24, XT) in the Vikitaka inscriptions,
The kha, which has a big hook and small loop, and the oblong ca with the vertical on
the right, likewise agree with the southern forms. But F, GI (GIT. 3 » No. 2, line 17, offers
once, in 4ulka, the northern ka without the curve at the foot.

The other letters of this Seript frequently show Greater or smaller variations.
Our plate offera a few in the case of A, ja, tha, ba and la. More have’ been pointed
out by Fleet and Kielhorn in their editions of the inscriptions in F.GI (OII. 8) and
in El. 3. I may add to Fleat's remarks, that his Nos. 40, 41 and BI have the angular
form of ma of the later Kanarese-Telugu alphabet (see below, § 29, B, 6).

$ 29.—THE KANARESE AND TELUGU ALPHABET: PLATES Vil AND VIII,

A.—The archaic variety.

[64] The archaic variety of this seript is found :—(a) Ip the west, in the inscriptions
of the Kadambas of Vaijayanti or Banavisi (plate VIT, cols. XT, ATID), and of the
early Calukyas of Vatapi or Biidami, eg. of Kirtivarman I, and Mangalesa (plate VII,
col. XIV), Pulakesin II, and Vikramaditya I (sometimes). (6) In the east, on the
Salaihiiyana plates, and on those of the first two Calukyas ‘of Vengi, Vignuvardhana I
and Jayasimha I (plate VII, col. XVII"**), The date of the Siilahkiyana plates, which
used to be assigned to the 4th century®4*, is uncertain?! The Kadamba grants probably
belong partly to Sth and partly to the the 6th centuries ; for, Kikuathayarman, who issued
the oldest known record, was the contemporary of one of the Imperial Guptas,
probably of Samudragupta*!?, and his descendants all ruled before the overthrow of
ihe Kadamba kingdom by Kirtivarman I, between A.D. 566-67 and 596-97. Tho archate
Calukys inseriptions fall between A.D, 578 and about 660715,

85

During this period, the characters of the weatern and eastern documents do not differ
much. The alphabet of the Salefikayana plates®!® agrees very closely with that of plate VII,
eol. XII; and in the first half of the 7th oentury the letters of the Oulukya ingeriptions
from Vatipi and from Vengi show an almost perfect resemblanoe??°, But the more consi-
derable differences between cols. XII and XIII, which both are derived from grants of the
Kadamba MygeSavarman issued within a period of only five years, have to be expla ned
by the assumption that the letters of col. XIII, with which nearly all the other Kadamba
inscriptions agree, imitate writing with ink, and thore of col. XII, writing with the
stilus. This explanation ia suggested by the thinness of the signs of col. XII, and by the
much greater thickness of those in col. XIII, and by the wedges and solid squarea at their
heads (compare above, §25, B).

The letters of the older documents of this period remain very similar to those of the
Andhra inccriptions of plate III, the go-called “‘cave-characters’ In the Siilankiyana
Brant, and in those of the Kadambas Kikusthayarman, Santivarman, Mrgesavarman and
Ravivarman, we find only few, and by no means constant, tracea of the development of
the later characteristic round forms. Thus, col. XII no doubt offers rather far advanced
signs for A ard ra, but atthe same timea more archaic A, and the facsimile frequently
‘shows even an angular ra with a nct very long upward stroke, In the frants of the last
Kadamba king Harivarman and in those of the Calukyas between A.D. 578 and 650, tha A,
A, laand ra, characteristic of the next stage of development, occur not rarely, but never
constantly. Thus col. XIV, derived from the Bidimi inscription of Kirtivarman I and
Maingalesa, has the ka closed on the left. But this form isthe only ona used thers, and
it never appears on MangaleSa'a copper-plate, nor on the Haidarabad plates of his successor
PulakeSin TI***. Further, this ka, as well as the closed ra of 33, col. XV, occur on the
Nertir plates of Pulakesin If***, Finally, the Aihola stone inscription, of the timo of
PulakeSin 11°*", has exclusively the older ka and ra, but occasionally the later A of col. KV.
This vacillation indicates that between A.D. 578 and 660, and perhaps even earlier, the round-
hand forms of the middle Kanarese alphabet existed, but that they either had not
completely displaced the older ones, or that they were nob yet considered as raally suitable
for inscriptions, though the clerks oncasionally introduced them by mistake into tha official
documenta (compare above, § 3, page 20 {.),

Among the other signe, the following may be noted especially :—

(1) The wa (plate VII, 21, XII-XIV, XVII) which is never looped, bub looks as if
it were cursively developed form a looped from similar to that of col. I, ff.

(2) The ta, which keeps the old form of the western inseriptions without a loop in 22,
AMI, but shows in cals, XIf, SIV, XVII, a cursive development from the looped ta of cols.
XX-XXITI, which likewise is not rare in Kadamba and Calukys inscriptions of this period.

(3) The tailed da (24, XIV, XVII) agreeing exactly with the western form [65] of (dia
(19, IV-TX).

(4) The na, which sometimes has the looped form (26, XIII), and more freqcently
that without the loop (96, XIY, XIV-XVII); the latter being, however, apparently derived
from the looped ona,

86

(5) The very exceptionally looped ya (in ya, 45, XIV), which thug is identical with
the much older northern form.

(6) The medial vowels :—(a) @ in pi (27, XITL), a cursive substitute for the @ of yi
(39, VI), cf (13, IV), &o ; (6) the subscript r of kr (8, XII, XVIT; 41, XIV), somewhat
resembling a northern (which latter actually ocours once on the seal figured in IA. 6, 24
- im Mrgeéa), but probably independently derived from a not uncommon f in the shape of
an unconnected semicircle before ka; (c) the exceedingly rare | of Ki (49, XIV), which,
differing from the northern subscript 7 (plate VI, 35, XVII), but agreeing with the
northern initial sign of the Cambridge MS., consists merely of a cursive la; (d) the Matra
of elin me, 21, XID), of ai (in cai, 13, SIT; and vai, 35, XIIT), and of oand aw (in thaw,
93, XII), which, except in connection with le (see le, 34, XII, and lo, 34, XITI, XVII),
frequently stands at the foot of the consonant ; (ec) the au (in pau, 27, XII, XIV), the
right-hand portion of which invariably and in all southern alphabets consists of a hook,
formed by a cursive combination of the second Matra with the a-stroke (compare you,
plate ILI, 31, V1).

B —The middle vartely.

This second variety is found from about A, D. 650 to about A. D. 950:—(a) In the
West in the inscriptions of the Calukyas of Vatapi or Badami, of their successors the Rastra-
ktitas of Manyakheta (in cases when they did not use the Nigari, sea above, 3 23), of the
Gangas of Maisiir, and of some smaller dynasties; (b) in tha east, on the copper-plates
of the Calukyas of Vengi and of their vacsals. During this period, some marked differences
are observable in the ductus batween the several classes of documents. The copper-
plates of the Westerm Calukyas (plate VIT, col. XVI)9** mostly show carelessly drawn
eursive signs sloping towards the right, and their stone inscriptions (plate VII, col. XV)
upright, carefully made, letters, which especially in the ligatures are abnormally large.
With the eharacters of the Intter agree those of the inacriptions ol the Ragtrakutas
(plate VIII, cols. IT, IIT),225 with the exception of the sign-manual on the Baroda
copper-plate of Dhruva I.°28 In this royal signature and in the inscriptions of the
Calukyas of Vengi (plate VIII, vols. IV, V), the letters are broader and shorter, and in
this respect resemble very closely the Old-Kanarese.°*"
In addition to the above-mentioned rounded forms of A, A, ka and ra, which become
constant during this period, the following letters deserve special remarks :—

(1) The very rare & (plate VII, 5, 8VI; compare also the earlier letter in the
facsimile at IA. 6, 23, end), which seems to be a modification of the northern form of
plate VI, 7,1, IL. |

-(9) The strongly cursive kha (plate VIII, 12, III-V), which is identical with the
Old-Kanarese letter, and which according to Fleet??" never occurs before about A. D. 800,
but actually appears in the cognate Pallava inscriptions (plate VII, 9, SXII1; compare
below, § 31, B, 4) already since the 7th century.

(3) The ca, which from the 9th century begins to open in fica (plate VII, 41,
“XIX ; plate VIII, 19, ITI, IV).

87

(4) The da (plate VIII, 27, II, IV, V) the tail of which begins to turn upwards
since the 9th century. |

(5) The ba, opaned above (plate VIII, 32, V), which according to Fleet???" firat
ocours about A. D. 850.

(6) The ma (plate VII, $1, SVIL; VIII, 34, II-V), the upper part of which is drawn
towards the right and placed nearly on the same lavel as the lower one, and which thus
becomes the precursor of the Old-Kanarese ma.

(7) The abnormal cursive la (plate VIT, 34, XVI), which elsewhere appears only as
the second part of ligatures (as in 4lo, plate VII, 44, XVIII).

(8) The Matras, which occasionally stand below the consonant (as in dhe,
plate VIIE, 28, V).

(9) The vertical Virima, above final m (plate VII, 41, XVIII; plate VIII, 46, V)
and final » (plate VIII, 45, V). :

(10) The Dravidian ra (plate VU, 49, XV, XVIII ; 45, XXII; plate VIII, 47, I, IIT)
[66] and Ja (plate VII, 46, XV, AVITTI; plate VIII, 43, II, V), which first appear in the Tth
century. The first of them, fa, may possiably represent two round ra, and la may bea
modification of a 2a like that in plate VII, 40, AIV, KVI. The occurrence of these signs
proves that the Kanarege languge had a literature already in the Tth century.

CO—The Old-Kanarese alphabet.

The third and last variety of the Kanarese-Telugu alphabet, which Burnell calla “the
transitional” and Fleet more appropriately “Old-Kanarese”, does not differ much from the
modern Kaparese and Telugu scripts. In the east, it first appears in the Vengi inscrip-
tions of the 11th century; in the west, o little earlier, in a Ganga inscription of A. D.
978 and ina not much later Calukya inseription®®”. Some of its characteristics, like the
opening of the loop of ma and of the head of va, appear however in the sign-manual of
Dhruva IJ, on the Baroda plates, mentioned above under B. The specimens of this
script??? in plate VIII, among which cols. WI, and VII date from the 11th century, col.
VIII, from the 12th, and col. IX (according to Hultzach, Telugu) from the 14th, show the
gradual progress very distinctly.

One of the most characteristic marks of the Old-Kanarese consists in the angles over
all Miitrkiis which do not bear superscribed vowel-sings. These angles, which in col. VI
resemble those of the modern Telugu and in cols. VII, VIII, those of the modern Kanarese,
probably are cursive representatives of wedges, and have been invented because the latter
did not suit the writing with the stilus, Since the 6th century, they occur more or less
frequently in single inseriptions from other districts, such as Guhasena’s grant of A. D.
559-60 (plate VII, col. IV) and Ravikirti’s Aihole Prasasti??*, sometimes together with
wedges. But it is only in this alphabet that they become a constant distinctive festure.

The most important among the changes in the several signs are :—

(1) The opening of the heads of H (plate VIII, 8, VI. VIET), of ca (16, VI-TX), of bha
(33, VI-IX, which in col. IX becomes identical with ba by the connection of the two

8S

base-strokes), and of va (38, VII-IX), as well as of the loop of ma-(34, VI, VITT) and of
the right limb of cha (17, VI-IX ; compare also col. V).

(2) The cursive looped forms of A, A (1, 2, VII-IX), and of J, I (3, 4, VI-IX:
compare their precursora in 3, IT, and 4, ITI, V), and of 4a (39, VII-IX), the central cross-
bar of which is connected with the curved end of the right side

(3) The conversion of the long drawn loops of ka (11, VI-IX) and of ra (86, VI-IX),

into much smaller circles.

(4) The cursive rounding off of the angles of ma (24, VI-IX), na (29, VI-IX), and
sa (41, VI-IX).

(5) The development of new loops or ringlets to the right of the top of # (7, IX),
na (15, VIII, IX) and ja (18, VI-IX ; compare col. V).

(6) The exclusive employment of the medial «turning upwards on the right (see,
for instance, pu, 30, IX), which in earlier times is restricted to gu, tu, bhu and 4u, but
later appears also in sti (plate VIII, 41, II, IIT),

(7) Finally, the appearance of the Anusvira on the line (see ram, 36, VIII), -which
cannot be a survival from ancient times, but must be an innovation intended to maka the
lines more equal (compare above, $ 26, A, 5)*4*.

§ 30-—_THE LATER KALINGA SORIPT : PLATES VIT AND VIIL

[67] This script has been found hitherto only on tha copper-plates of the Ganga kings
of Kalinganagara, the modern Kalingapattanam in Gafijam, which in olden times was the
residence of the Gata king Khiiravela and his successors (sea § 18 above). The dates of these
documents run from the year 87 of the Gingeya era. Though its exact beginning has not
yet been determined, Fleet has shown that tha oldest Ganga granta probably belong to
the Tth century***,

The signs of these documents resemble, up to the Gihgeya year 183, partly
the letters of tho Central-Indian script (above, §25, B) and partly those of the
western variety, which exhibits the medial au, of the Ajanta inscriptions (above, § 28,
A), and they show only a few peculiar forms. A specimen of the Kalinga script of
the latter kind has been given in plate VII, col. XIX, from the Cicacole grant of the
Gingeya year 148, in which only the Grantha-like A (2, KIX), and the ga (10, XIX)
ani éo (36, KIX) with curves on the left, differ greatly from the corresponding
Valabhi letters. The alphabet of the Acyntapuram plates**" of the Gingeya year
87, which exhibits angular forms with solid box-heads, closely resembles the Central-
Indian writing; but its na is identical with that of the modern Nigari. The Oicacola
plates**° of the Gangeya year 128 show in general the same type: but they offer
the ordinary looped na of the north and west, and the looped ta of the archaic
Grantha (22, XX ff.). Finally, the Cicacole plates??7 of Gihgeya year 183 come
close to the seript of plate VII, col. X; but their na is again that of the late Nigari,
and their medial @ mostly stands above the line, as in various northern and also
Grantha documents of the Tth and Sth centuries,

89

In the grants of the @rd and 4th centuries of the Gingeya era, and in a late
undated inscription, the mixture of the characters is much ¢reater, ond the same
letter is often expressed by greatly differing signs. In plate VIII, col. K, from the
Cieacole plates of the Gangeya year 51, that is 251°°°, and in col. XI, from ‘the
Vizagapatam plates of the year 254, acd in col. XII, from the Alamanda plates of the
year 304, we find a northern A, A (J, 2, X-XI0), 7 (3, XU), 0 (5, XK), ke (44, KI,
KI), kha (12, XI), vga (15, X), tka (15, XU), ja (18, XI), Ha (in faa, 19, K), da
(22, KIT), wa (24, KI, XT), dha (25,45, KT), wa (48, K), and pra (47, MID). The
other letters are of southern origin, and belong partly to the middle Kanarese,
partly to the middle Grantha, or are peculiar developments. The restricted space
available in plate VIII has made it impossible to enter all the variants for each letter.
But the three different forms of ja (18, 46, and 47, X) show how very great the variations are.

Still stronger are the mixture and voeriations in the Cicacole plates of the
Gangeya year 351999 and in the undated grant of Vajrabasta from the ilth century
(Kielhorn)}**", neither of which is represented in our plats. In the firat-named
document each letter has, according to Fleet, at leat two, but sometimes threa or four
forms, The majority of the signs belong to the southern Nigari. But Old-Kanarese
and late Grantha signs likewise occur. In Vajrahagta’s grant there are, according
to Kielhorn’s calculation, 820 Niigari letters and 410 southern ones of different types,
and each letter again bas at least two and sometimes [69] four or more forme.
Kielhorn points out that the writer has shown a certain art in the grouping of the
variants; and he is no doubt right in hinting that the mixture is due fo the vanity
of royal scribes, who wished to show that they were acquainted with a number of
alphabets. For the same reason, the writer of the Cicacole plates of the Giihgeya year
183 has used three different systems of numeral notation in expressing the date (see
below, §34). The kingdom of the Gangas of Kalinga lay between the districts in
which the Nagari and the Kanarese-Telugu scripts were used, and it was not far from
the territory of the Grantha. JTts population was probably mixed, and used all these
scripts®*?, as well as, in carlier times, those employed in the older western and Central-
Indian inscriptions. The professional clerks and writers of course had to master all
thea alphabets.

§ 31 THE GRANTHA ALPHABET: PLATES VII AND VIIL

A.—The archaic vaeriely.

For the history of the Sanskrit alphabets in the Tamil districts during the period
after A.D. 850, we have only the Sanskrit inscriptions of the Pallavas, Colas and Pindyas
from the eastern coast, among which only those of the first-mamed dynasty can lay claim
to a higher antiquity. Corresponding imacriptions from the western coast are hitherto
wanting. For this reason, and because only a small number of the eastern documents have
been published with good facsimiles, it is aa yet impossible to give a complete view of
the gradual development of the letters. |
13

90 ‘

The most archaic forms of the Sanskrit scripts of the Tamil districts, which usually
are classed as Grantha", are found on tha copper-plates of the Pallava kings of Palakkada
and ( ? or ) DaSanapura"** (plate VII, cols. XX, XXI) from the 5th or the 6th century ( 7 ),
with which the ancient inscriptions, Nos. 1 to 16, of the Dharmarajaratha (plate VII, col.
XXII)**" closely agree. These inscriptions, together with a few others®**, exhibit what may
be called the archaic Grantha; the latest example of which occurs in the Badimi inscription,
incised, according to Fleet's mewest researches**®, by the Pallava Narasimha I, during his
expedition against the Calukya Pulakesin II (A.D. 609 and about 642) in the second quarter
of the 7th century; and it seems to have gone out soon after, as the Kiiram plates of
Narsimba'’s son Paramesvara I show letters of a much more advanced type. It is met with
also in the stone inscription from Jambu in Jaya; see LA. 4, 356.

The characters of the archaic Grantha in general agrea with those of the archaic
Kanarese-Telugu (sea above, § 29, A), but shew a few peculiarities which remain constant
in the later varieties, thus :—

(1) The tha, the central dot of which is converted into a loop, attached to the right
side (plate VII, 23, MXI); compare the tha of cal. XX, where the straight stroke
of the Kanarese-Telugu script appears.

(2) The éa with the cross-bar converted into a curve or loop and attached to the
right side (plate VII, 36, XX-KXII, 45, XXII); compare also the cursive $a of the
western soript, mentioned above, $ 25, A, 7.

(3) The ga with the cross-bar treated similarly (plate VII, 37, XX); compare the ga of
col. XXII, which shows the older form.

The characters of plate VII, cols. KX, XXI, show no closer connection with those of
the Prakrt inscriptions of the Pallavas, discuased above in 5 20, D.

B.—The middle variety.

The earliest inscription of the much more advanced forms of the second variety or the:
middle Grantha, is found on the Kiiram copper-plates (plate VII, col: EXIV) of the reign of
Paramedvara I, the adversary of the Western Calukya Vikramiditya I (A.D. 655-620) **.
[69] Compared with this document, which appears to offer a real clerk's script, the montu-
mental inscription of the Kailisanatha temple (plate VII, col. XXIII, built according to
Flest?4? by Narasimha II, the son of ParameSvara I, is retrograde, and shows more archaic
forms for several paleographically important letters. On the other hand, the Kasakiidi
copper-plates (plate VIII, col. AITI), incised in the time of Nandivarman who aticceeded
Mahendra III, the second son of Narasimha II, and warred with the Western Calukya
Vikramaditya II (A.D. 733-749)°*", agree more closely with the Kiiram plates, and offer,
besides some archaic forms, also much more advanced ones.

The most important innovations, either constantly or occasionally observable in this
second variety of the Grantha, are :—

(1) The development of a second vertical in A, A, ka and ra (plate VII, 1, 2,8, 33,
XXIII, XXIV ; plate VII, 1, 2, 11, 96, XIII), as well as in medial uw and @ (plate VII, 31, 38,

XXIV ; plate VIII, 34, 40, XIII), out of the ancient hook ; compara the transitional forms in
the facsimiles at TA. 9, 100 ; 103.

(2) The connection of one of the dots of J with the upper curved line (plate VII, 3,
XXIII, XXIV; plate VIII, 8, XII, a, 5).

(3) The opening of the top of FE (plate VII, 5, XXIV), which however shows closed up-
forms in col. XXIII, and in plate VIII, 8, XIII.

(4) The development of a loop to the left of the foot of kha, and the opening up of the
right side of the letter (plate VII, 9, XXIII), as in the Kanarese-Telugu script (sea above,
5 29, B, 9).

(5) The upward turn of the Serif at the left-hand lines of ga and 4a (plata VII, 10, 36,
KXIV ; plate VIII, 13, 39, XIII ; not in plate VII, col. XXIII).

(6) The opening up of the loops of cha (plate VIII, 17, XIII), and perhaps also in the
indistinct cha of the Kiiram plates, i, line 5.

(7) The transposition of the vertical of ja to the right end ‘of the top-bar, and the
conversion of the cantral bar into a loop connected with the lowest bar (plate VII, 15, XXIV;
plate VIII, 15, XXIV; plate VIII, 15, XIII; not in plate VII, col. XXITI).

(8) The incipient opening up of the tops of dha and tha (plate VII, 23, 25, XAIIL,
XXIV ; plate VIII, 26, 28, XITI).

(9) The opening up of the top of da, and the transposition of the original top-line to the
left of the left-hand vertical (plate VII, 29, KXIV; plate VIII, $2, XIII; not in plate VII,
col. XXTIT).

(10) The adoption of the later northern bha (see above, $24, A, 24), or the davelopment of
an exactly similar sign (plate VII, 30, XXIV; plate VIII, 33, XIIT; not in plate VII, col. XXII).

(11) The combination of the left-hand vertical of sa with the left end of the old side-limb,
and of the right end of the side-limb with the base-stroke (plate VII, 38, XATV ; a transitional
form in col. XXII, and a different cursive form in plate VIII, 41, XIII).

(12) The frequent separation of medial 4, ¢, ai, o, au, from the Matrka (constant in plate
VII, col. XIIZ), ag well'as the use of the @ standing above the line, as in the northern alphabet .
of this period and in the Central-Indian script (compare plate VII, 17, 19, 21, 31-33, XXIIT;
a, 24, RRIVi

(18) The expression of the Virima (as in the Kanarese-Telugu script) by .a vertical
stroke above, or in the KaSakiidi plate also to the right of, the final consonant (plate VII,
41, XXIII; plate VIII, 47, XIII; and compare the facsimiles).

(14) The transposition of the Anusvara to the rignt of the Matrki (plate VII, 38,
XXIV) below the level of the top-line, as in the Kanarese-Telugu soript.

(15) The occasional development of small angles, opan above, at the tops of the
verticals, for the left part of which a dot usually appears in plate VIII, col. XIIL.

The fully-developed and very constant characteristics of the alphabet of the Kitram
plates make it probable that they have not arisen within the period of twenty to thirty
years, which lies between the issue of the Kiram grant and the incision of the much more
archaic Badami inscription of Narasimha I (see above, under A). Very likely the Kiram
alphabet had a longer history.

O.—The Transitional Grantha,

The series of the published datable Pallava inscriptions of the Sth century ends for
the present with the KaSakidi plates; and facsimiles of document of the next following
centuries [70] are not accessible to me, Iam, therefore, unable to exactly fix the time
when the third or transitional variety of the Grantha, Burnell’s Cola or middle Grantha,
came into use, which is found in the inscriptions from the reign of the Bina king
Vikramaditya?*® about A. D. 1150 (plate VIII, col. XIV) and of Sundara-Pandya,*°” A. D.
1250 (plate VIII, col. XV), as well as in other documents.*°! It would however appear,
both from the Grantha signs occurring in the Ganga inscriptions (plate VIII, cols. XI, XIT
and from Burnell’s Cola-Grantha alphabet of A. D.1080°°°, that the new developments
originated partly towards the end of the Sth century and partly in the 9th and 10th,
about the same time when the Old-EKanarese script (above, § 29, C) was formed.

The most important changes, which the transitional Grantha shows, are as follows :—

(1) The suppression of the last remaining dot of J (plate VIIL, 3, XIV,
XV : compare 3, XIII, a).

(2) The formation of a still more cursive & (8, XIV) out of the Kiiram letter
(plate VIT, 6, XXIV).

(8) The formation of a still more cursive kha (plate VITI, 19, XIV, $V), closely
resembling the Iater Kanarese-Telugu sign (plate VIII, 12, III ff.), out of the letter of
plate VII, 9, XXIII.

(4) The development of a single or double curve to the left of gha (plate VIII,
14, XIV, XV).

(5) The opening up of the top of ca, and the conversion of its left side into an
acute angle (plate VIII, 16, XIV, XV).

(G) The addition of a curve to the right end of da (plate VIII, 22, XIV, XV).

(7) The development of an additional loop in wa (plate VIII, 24, XIV, XV), in
accordance with the practice of the Tamil alphabet (see below, $32, A).

(8) The complete opening up of the tops of tha and dha (plate VITI, 26, 28, KIV, XV).

(9) The development of a curve at the left side of pa (plate VIII, 30, XIV, XV).

(10) The closing up of the top of ma (plate VIII, 34, XIV, XV), found already
in the Ganga inscription of about A D. 775 (plate VIIT, 46, XT).

(It) The suppression of the circle or loop on the right side of ya (plate VIII,
$5, XIV, XV), whereby the letter obtains a very archaic appearance.

(12) The opening up of the top of va, and the addition of a curve to its left side
(plate VIII, 38, XIV, XV).

(18) The complete separation of medial a, e, ai, o from the Muirpkis, and the
formation of a separate sign for the second half of au, consisting of two small curves with
a vertical on the right.

Tt is worthy of note that the later alphabat of col. XV has some more archaic
signs than the earlier one of col. XTV. The reason no doubt is that the latter imitates the
hand of the clerks of the royal office, while the former shows the monumental forms, suited
for a public building. All the Granths inscriptions imitate characters written with a stilus.

$ §2—THE TAMIL AND VATTELOTTU ALPHABETS: PLATE VIII.

A.—The Tamil.

The Tamil, as well as ite southern and western cursive variety, the Vatteluttu or
“round-hand,” differs from the Sanskrit alphabet by the absenca not only of the ligatures,
but also of the signs for the aspirates, for the medias (expressed by the corresponding
tenues), for the sibilants (among which the palatal one is expressed by ca), for the spirant
ha, for the Anusvira and for the Visarga, as well as by the development of naw letters for
final », and for ya, fa and la, which latter three characters do not resemble those for the
corresponding sounds in the Kanarese-Telugu script. The great simplicity of the alphabet
fully agrees with the theories of the Tamil grammarians, and is explained by tha peculiar
phonetics of the Tamil language. Like all the older Dravidian dialects, the Tamil possesses
no aspirates and no spirant. Further, it has no ja, and only one sibilant, which, according |
to Caldwell, lies between §a, sa and ea, and which, if doubled, becomes a distinct cea.
[71] The use of separate signs for the tenues and mediae was Unnecessary on account of
their mutual convertibility. The Tamil uses in the beginning of words only fenues, and in
the middle only double tenues or single mediae. Henee, all words and affixes beginning with
gutturals, linguals, dentals and labials, have double forms®**. A knowledge of these simple
rules makes mistakes, regarding the real phonetic value of ka, ta, ta and pa, impossible. The
use of ligatures probably has been discarded because ths Tamil allows even in loan-worda
no other combinations of consonants but repetitions of the same sound, and because it seamed
more convenient to use in these cases the Virama***.

The occurrence of signa for the Dravidian liquids, which, though the sounds correspond
with those of the older Kanarese and Telugu, differ from the characters of the Kanarese-
Telugu script, indicates that the Tamil alphabet is independent of the latter and haa been
derived from a different source. Hultzsch’s important discovery of the Kiiram plates**4,
with a large section in the Tamil scripf and language of the Tth century, confirms this
inference. The Tamil alphabet of these plates agrees only in part with their Grantha, and
many of its letters offer characteristics of the northern alphabets.

Specific Grantha forms occur in U (plate VIII, 5, XVI; compare plate VII, 4, XXIV);
in O (plate VIII, 9, XVI; compare col. KV); in ta (plate VIII, 25-28, XVI; compare
plate VII, 22, XXIV); in na (plate VIII, 29, XVI; compare plate VII, 26, XXIV); in ya
(plate VIIT, 35, XVI; compare plate VII, 32, XXIV); im medial wu in ku (plate VIII, 14,
XVI; compare 44, XIIT); in medial « (in #, plate VIII, 28, XVI; compare khe, plate VII,
9, XIV); and in the vertical Virimsa, which mostly stands above the vowelless conso-
nant but to the right ofm and r (compare %, plate VIII, 15, XVI; m, 34; }, 43; m, 49).
The Tamil ai (for instanee, nai, plate VIII, 29, XVI) appears to be a peculiar derivative
from the Grantha a7, the two Miatris having been placed, not one above the other, but one
behind the other.

Unmodified or only slightly modified northern forms appear in A and A (plate VIII,
1, 3, XVI), with the single vertical without a curve at the end (compare plate IV, 1,
9 1 f.), and with the loop on the left, which igs found in recently discovered inscriptions

04

from Swat as well as in the Grantha;: in ka (plate VIII, 11-14, XVI; compare plate IV,
7,1 ff.)3 inca (plate VIII, 16-18, XVI; compare plate III, 11, I[I); in ta (plate VIII,
90-22, KVI<: compare plate IV, 17, VII, VIII); in pa (plate VITI, 30-33, XVI; compare
plate IV, 27, I ff.) ; inra (plate VIII, 36, XVI; compare plate IV, 33, I ff.); in la (plate
VIII, 87, XVI; compare plate IV, 34, VII ff.); in the medial w of pu, mu, yu, vu (plate
VIII, $2, 40, XVI 4 compare plate IV, 27, If); and of ru (plate VIII, 86, XVI; compare
plate IV, 33, JII); and in the medial @ of [f and L i (plate VIII, 44, 46, XVI; compara
pi, plate TV, 27, IV).

The vi (plate VIII, 15, XVI) is more strongly modified, as it has been formed out of
the angular northern wa (plate IV, 11, I ff.) by the addition of a stroke rising upwards on
the right ; and the ma (plate VIII, 34, XVI) is probably a cursive derivative from the so-
called Gupta ma (plate IV, 31, I ff.).

The sigus for the Dravidian liquids, too, may be considered as developments of northern
signs, The upper portion of the Ja (plate VIII, 43, 44, XVI) looks like a small cursive
northern Ja, to which a long vertical, descending downwards, has been added on the right.
The ra (plate VIII, 47, 48, XVI) may coneist of a small slanting northern ra and a hook
added to the top. And the la (plate VIII, 45, 46, XVI) is perhaps derived from a northern
la (plate IV, 40, II), the end of the horizontal line being looped and connected with the
little pendent stroke below; compare also the looped [a (read erroneously dha) in the
Amaravati inscription, J. RAS. 1991, plate at p. 142.

The origin of the remaining signs is doubtful. Some, such as va (plate VIII, 35-40, XVI)
and medial @ (see ka, plate VIII, 12, XVI), occur both in northern and in southern scripts,
Others are modifications of letters common to the north and the south. The final n (plate
VIII, 49, XVI) is evidently the result of a slight transformation of both the northern and
the southern #a with two hooke [72] (plate III, 20, V, XX; plate IV, 21, VII £.; plate
VII, 91, IV ff.); and from this comes the Tamil wa (plate VIII, 24, XVI) by the addition
of another curve. The parent of the peculiar E (plate VIII, 8, XVI) may bo either that of
plate IV, 5, X f., or that of plate VIT, 5, XXIII. Similarly, the angular medial u in tt
(plate VIII, 27, XVI) and in yu (plate VIII, 48, XVI) is due to a peculiar modification of
the curve, rising upwards on the right, which is found in eonneaction both with northern and
with southern letters (see éu, plate [V, 36, III, XVII and plate VIT, 36, I, IV). Finally, the
greatly cursive I (plate VIII, 3, XVI) appears to be the result of a peculiar combination
of three curves, which replaced the ancient dots. But an J of this kind has hitherto not
been traced.

This analysis of the Tamil alphabet of the Tth century makes it probable that it
is derived from a northern alphabet of the 4th or 5th century, which in the course of
time was strongly influenced by the Grantha, used in the same districts for writing Sanskrit.

The next oldest specimen of the Tamil script, which is found in the Kasikiidi
plate?"® of about A.D. 740 (not represented in plate VIII), shows no essential change
except in the adoption of the later Tamil ma.

But the inscriptions of the 10th, 11th and later centuries"*’ (plate VIII, cols. XVII-
XX) offer a new variety, which is more strongly modified through the influence of the Grantha.

= EL ee

95

The (a, paand va have now the peculiar Grantha forms. Besides, in the 11th century
beging the development of the little strokes, hanging down on the left of the tops of ka,
"2, ca,taand na. In the 15th century (plata VIII, cols. XIX, KX) these pendants ara
fully formed, and ka shows a loop on the left, It is worthy of note that in the later
Tamil inscriptions the use of the Viriima (Pulli) first becomes rarer and finally cenagea,?54
while in the quite modern writing the Viriima is again marked by a dot.

B.—The Vatlelutiu.

Among the Vatteluttu inscriptions, the Sasanas of Bhiskara-Ravivarman in fayour
of the Jews (pl. VIII, cols. XXI, XXII) and of the Syrians of Kocin,?5" ag well as the
Tirunelli copper-plates of the same king*"", have been published with facsimiles. Trusting
to rather weak arguments, Burnell ascribes the first-named two documents to the 8th
century.°* But the Grantha letters occurring in the Sisana of the Jews belong to the
third and latest variety of that alphabet, and the Nigari 4a or &i (probably for §cih) at the
end of the document, to which Hultzsch has called attention,®"* resembles the northern
forms of the 10th and 11th eenturies (compare plate V, 39, 47, VIIL; 48, X),

From a paleographical point of view, the Vatteluttu may be described asa curaiva
soript, which bears the same relation to the Tamil as the modern northern alphabets of
the clerks and merchants to their originals, e.g., the Modi of the Marathas to the Balbodh
and#the Takati of the Dogras to the Sarada.®®° With the exception of the J, probably
borrowed from the Grantha, all its letters are made with a singla stroke from the left
to the right, and are mostly inolined towards the left. Several among them, such as the
fut (plate VIII, 15, X XI) with the curva and hook on the left, the va with the opzn top
and the hook on the left (plate VIII, $8, XXI, XXII; compare cols. XVIL[-XX) and the
round fa (plate VITI, 45, 46, XXI, RXIT; compare 47, XVII-XX), show the charactoristics
of the second variety of the Tamil of the 11th and later centuries. And with tha usage
of the later Tamil inscriptions agrees the constant omission of the Viriima. Some other
characters, such as the round fa (plata VIII, 20-23, XXI, KXII; compare col. XVI),
the ma with the curve on the right (plate VIII, $4, XXI, XXII; compare col. XVI), and
the ya with the loop onthe left (plate VIII, 85, XXI, KXIL; compara col, XVI), seem
to go back tothe forms of the earlier Tamil. And three, the rounded U (plate VIII, 5,
XXI), the pointed 2 (plate VIII, 8, XXI and the xa with a single notch (plate VII,
96, XXI, XXIT), possibly show characteristics dating froma still earlier period. Perhaps
it may be assumed that the “round-hand” arose already before the 7th century, but was
modified in the course of time by the further development of the Tamil and the Grantha
seripts. Owing to the small [73] number of the accessible inscriptions, this conjecture
is however by no means certain.

The transformation of the Vatjeluttu ka (plate VIII, 11-14, XXI, XXII), which
seems to be derived from a looped form, is analogous to that of the figure 4 in the
decimal system of numeral notation (compare plate IX, B, 4, V-VII, and IX). The curious
ta (plate VIII, 25-25, XXI, XXII) bas been developtd by the change of the loop of the

96

Tamil letter (compare cols, XVII, XVITI) into a notch and the prolongation of the tail up to
the head. The still more extraordinary na (plate VIII, 29, XXI) may be explained as a
cursive derivative of the later Tamil na with the stroke banging down from the top.

§33—THE NUMERALS OF THE KHAROSTHI : PLATE I°*+,

In the Khbarosthi inscriptions of the Sakas, of Gondopherres, and of the Kusiinas,
from the lst century B.C. and the Ist and Ynd centuries A.D., as well as in other probably
later documents, we find a system of numeral notation (plate I, col. XIV)°** which Dowson
first explained with the help of the Taxila copper-plate®"*.

Its fundamental signs are: —(a) One, two and three vertical strokes for 1, 2, 3. (6) An
inclined cross for 4. (c) Assign, similar to the Kharosthi dA, for 10. (d) A double curve,
looking like a cursive combination of two 10 (BAYLEY), for 20. (¢) A sign, resembling a Brahmi
ta or tra, for 100, to the right of which stands a vertical stroke, whereby the whole becomes
equivalent to IO,

The numbers lying between these elements are expressed by groups, in which the
additional ones invariably are placed on the left. Thus, for 5 we bave 4(+)1:; for 6, 4
(+)2; for 8, 4(+) 4; for 50, 20(+) 20(+) 10; for 60, 20 (+)20(+) 20; for 70, 20(+)
90 (+) 205+) 10. Groups formed of the signs for 10(+)1to10(+) 9, and 20 (+)1 to
20 (+) 9, and so forth, are used to express the numerals 11 to 19, and 21 to 29, ce.

The higher numerals beyond 100 are expressed according to the same principle ; thus,
103 is 100 (+) 3 orIC III. The sign for 200 consists cf 100, preceded on the right by two
yertical strokes. And the highest known number is [IC XX XK XX X IV, which
means 274°°",

The few numeral signs in the Asoka edicts of Shihbizgarhi and Mansehra (plate I,
col. XIIT)°®* show that in the 3rd century B.C. the Kharogthi system of numeral notation
differed from the later one at leash in one important point, Both in Shihbizgarhi, where
the signs for 1, 2,4, 5S occur, and in Mansebra, which offers 1, 2, 5, the inclined cross
for 4 is absent, and 4 is expressed by four parallel vertical strokes, and 5 by five.
It is as yet not ascertainable, how the other signs looked in the 3rd century B.C.

Burnell and others®°®" have stated long ago that tha KharoSthi numerals are
of Semitic origin. And it may now be added that probably they have been borrowed from
the Aramaeans, and that, with the exception of the cross-shaped 4, they have been introduced
together with the Aramaic letters. According to [74] Euting’s table of the ancient
Aramaic numerals*’®, 1 to 10 are marked, as in the ASoka edicts, by vertical strokes,
which sp ina contrary to the Indian practice, are divided into groups of three. The
Kharosthi 10 comes closs to that of the Teima inscription, “) , and the 20 resembles

the sign of the Satrap coins, 3 , which is also found in the papyrus Blacas *’* (5th
century B. ©.), and somewhat modified in the papyrus Vaticanus. Both the Aramaeans

and the Phoenicians the signs for 10 and 20 in the same manner as the Hindus, in
order to express 30, 40, and so forth.

For the Kharostht 100, Enting’s table offers no corresponding Aramaic sign,
and that given in his edition of the Saqqarah inecription®’* is, as be informs me, not
certain. Hence, thera remain only the Phoenician symbols, |e, >, which are suitable
for comparison. But the close relationship of Phoenician and Aramaic writing makes
it not improbable that the latter, too, pozseased in earlier times a 100, standing upright.
The Kharosthi practica of prefixing the signs for 1 and 2 to the 100 is found in all the
Semitic systems of numeral notation,

The inclined cross, used to express the 4 in the later Kharosthi inscriptions, is found
only in Nabatacan inscriptions incised after the beginning of our era, and is used thera
only rarely for the expression of the higher units. The late occurrence of the sign both
in Indian and in Semitic inscriptions makes it probable that both the Hindus and the
Semites independently invented this cursive combination of the original four strokes.

§34.—THE NUMERALS OF THE BRAHMI: PLATE IX,
A.—The ancient letter-numerals***.

In the Brahmi inscriptions and coin-legands wa find a peculiar system of numeral
notation, the explanation of which is chiefly due to J. Stevenson, E. Thomas, A. Cunningham,
Bhiiti Daji and Bhagvanlal Indraji***. Up to the year A. D. 594-95 it is used exclusively,
and later together with the decimal system®7°, It appears algo exclusively in the Bower
MS. and in the other MSS. from Kashgar?"*, as well as together with the Decimal
syatem,—chiefly in the pagination,—in the old MSS. of the Jainas of Western India
and of the Bauddhas of Nepal as late as the 16th century®’*, And the Malayalam MSS.
have preserved it to the present day***.

In this system, 1 to 3 are expressed by horizontal strokes or cursive combinations
of such ; 4 to 9,10 to 90, 100, and 1000, each by a separate sign (usually a Miatrka or
a ligature); the intermediate and the higher numbers by groups or ligatures of the
fundamental signs. In order to express figures consisting of tena and unite, or of hundreds,
tens and units, and so forth, the symbols for the smaller numbers are placed cither
unconnected to the right of, or vertically below, the higher ones, The first principle
is followed in all inscriptions and on most coins, the second on a few coing?’* and in the
pagination of all manuscripts. In order to express 200 and 2000, one short stroke is
added to the right of 100 and 1000. Similarly, 300 and 3000 are formed by the addition
of two strokes to the same elements. [75] Ligatores of 100 and 1000 with the signs for
4 to9 and 4 to 70, stood for 400 to 900 and 4000 to 70000 (the highest known figure),
and the smaller figures are connected with the right side of the larger ones.

The Jaina MSS. offer, however, “an. exception in the case of 400.
In the pagination of their MSS., both the Jainag and the Bauddhas use mostly
the décimal figures for 1 to 3 (plata IX, A, cols. XIX-XEVD, more rarely
the Aksaras E (eka), dvi, tri, or sva :(1), sti (2), Sri (3)°89, the three syllables of the

13

98

well-known Mangala, with which written documents frequently begin. Occasionally
the same documents combina the naught and other figures of the decimal system? **
with the ancient numeral symbols. Similar mixtures occur algo in some late inscriptions,
Thus, the year 183 of Devendravarman's Gieacole plates is given firat in Words and
next expressed by the symbol for 100, the decimal 8, and the syllable Jo, ie, loka=38
(see below, § 35, A), while the day of the month, 90, is given only in decimal
figures***,

In the MSS., the signs of this system are always distinct letters or syallables of
that alphabet in which the manuscript is written. They are however not always the
same. Very frequently they are slightly differentiated, probably ‘in order to
distinguish the signs with numeral values from those with letter values. In
,Other cases there area very considerable variants, which appear to hava bean caused
by misreadings of older Bigns or dialectic differences in Pronunciation. Tha fact
that these symbols really are lettera is also acknowledged by the name akyarapalli,
Which the Jainas occasionally give to this system, in order to distinguish it from
the decimal notation, the amkapalli?®*, A remark of the Jaina commentator
Malayagiri?** (19th century), who calls the sign for 4 the skagabda, “the word aka,”
indicates that he really pronounced, not catuh, but ska. |

The phonetical values of the symbols in plate IX, A, cols. XIX-XXyr?85
and of some others, given by Bendall (B.), Bhagvaolail Indraji (Bh.), Kielhorn (K.),
Leumann (L.), and Peterson (P., sea note 377 above), are -—

4=nka (XIX; compare LL, p. 1): with intentional differentiation, raka (L.,
p.1) and raka (RXV); with na for a3 and additions, uka (XXVI; B., Bh.), rnka
(XXIV; compare K.), or pka (XX, XXI), or hka (XXIIL; B.). |

S=tr (XIX, XXI, XXV, XXXVI: B., Bh.. K.); with intentional differentiation,
rir (Bh., EK.); with a mistaken interpretation of the top-stroke as @, rifa (XXIV):
with a misinterpretation of the curved ta ( compare the sign of B.'s No. 1464), also Ar
(compare the sign of B.’s No. 1645 ff.) or hua (XXII.

6=phra (KIX, KXI, EXVI°%*- B. Bh.) or phu (K.): and with intentional
differentiation, rphu or rphru (XXIV; K.): with o misinterpretation of an old pha,
also ghra (XXII); and with dialectic softening of the tenuis, bhra (XXIII ; compare
B, p. LIV).

T=gra (XIX, XXI, XXVI; Bh.) or ora (XXV; B, Bh., K): with intentional
differentiation and misinterpretation of the ra-atroke, rgga@ (XXIV: P.): with
misinterpretation of ga, bhra (XX ; compare B., p. LIV) or wa (XXIII; compare B., p. LIV).

8=hra (XIX, XXI, XXIII, ZXVI; 5B, Bh; partly with irregular addition
of the ra-stroke to the hook of ha) or hra (KXV; B., Bh, K.); and with intentional
differentiation, rhra (EK.) or rhra (XXIV; K.),

9=0 (XIX, XXI, XXIU, XXIV, XXVI; B. Bh.) or Om (XXV : K.),

10=fir (XIX), formed ont of the ancient thil (cols. IV-VI) through the opening of tha
circle of tha; or da (KX, XXIII: B., Bh,), the Nepalese representative of older Ia (cols.
%, 3X1; compsre TA. 6, 47), which likewise is a derivative from thi; or especially in

39
Nagari MSS., /( XXf[, KXV, KXXVI; Bh., K.), through a misinterpretation of Ja; and with
intentional differentiation, r? (XXIV; K.).

20=tha**’ or tha (KIX-XXI, XXIII, XXIV, EXVI; B., Bh, K.); or with inten-
tional differentiation, rtha and rtha (KXV : K.).

90=la or la (XIX-XXI, XXIII, XXIV, XXVI: B., Bh., K., P.): or with intentional
[76] differentiation, rla and rla (XXV; E.).

40=pia and pia (XX, XXI, XXIII, XXIV, XXVI; B., Bh., K.); or with intentional
differentiation, rpta and rpt@ (KXV ; K.).

50=Anunasika (? Bhagvyainlal), but corresponding only in col. XXIV, to an actually
traceable form of this masal (IA. 6, 47); occasionally turned round (XX; B.:
XXIII; EK).

60=cu, frequent in Nepalese MSS. (XX, KXI, XXIII), or thu, regular in Nigari MSS.
(KXV, XXVI; Bh, K.)5 and with intentional differentiation, riiu??? (XXIV: K.),

70—cef, frequent in Nepalese MSS. (XX, KXI, XXIII: B., Bh.) or thi, regular in
Niigari MSS. (XXV, XXVI); and with intentional differentiation, rfhit!' (XXIV; E.).

80=Upadhminiya with one central bar (XXIII, XXXVI; B., Bh.: compare plate IV,
4°, III), or later modified forms of that sign (XXI, XXIV ;-Bh., K.), which appear also in
MSS. (K.) and in inseriptions (plate IV, 46, XXIIU).

90=Upadhmipiya, with two cross-shaped bara (KXI, XXIII, KEVI; compare
plate VIT, 46, V, VI), and cursive forms of that sign (XXIV), or perhaps Jibvimilliya
(XXV 4 Bh.,) derived from the ma-like sign of plate VII, 46, III, XIII.

100=su in Nigari MSS. (XXIV, KXXV; Bh. E.); or A in Nepalese MSS5.,
owing to a misinterpretation of su (KX, XXIII, B., Bh.,); or Iu in Nepalese and
Bengali M3S., the result of another misinterpretation (XXI, XXVI; B., Bh.).

900=si in Nagari MSS. (KXIV, XXV; Bh. K.), or A in Nepalese MSS, (XX,
XXII; B., Bh.), or /@ in Nepalese and Bengali MSS. (KXVI; Bh., B.),

308=si-d in Nagari MSS. (KXIV, XXV; Bh.: read sta by K.); or A-a in
Nepalesa MSS. (XX).

400=si-o (XXV >: read sto by K.) in Nigari MSS.

In the inscriptions, the phonetical values of the signs often differ from those
in the MSS. and vary very considerably, and almost every one of the vertical and
horizontal columns (plate TX, A, I-XVIIT}?*" shows at least some, occasionally a great
many, cursive or intentionally modified forms, which possess hardly any resemblance
to letters :—

=a (I), ki (IU, in 400, 4009; IV, A; V, A; VI, B) dé (V, Bs TX, A),
pka (It, A; VI, A; VIII, A; IX, B), tka (X, A), Ika (facsimile TA. 5, 154), wha.

5=tra, mostly with irregular addition of the rastroke to the vertical of ia
(V, A; VIIL A, B; IX, Bs X, A; XV, A), tra (VID, A), tw (TX, A), nw (IV, B), na,
ni (XI, A, B), iy (XII A), hr (XII, B; XIV,A; XVII, A), hra (XVI, A), together
with two cursive signa without phonetic value in V, A, B.

6=ja, sa°7° (I, IL ; compare plate IT, 15, HI; 39, VII), phra (III, in 6000; IV,
V), phra (IX, XI), pha (XIII), pha (XIV), together with four cursive signs (VI-VIII, XV),

. 100

among which tho first is probably derived from ja, the second from sa, and the other two
from phra. | |

T=gra or gu (III-VI, IX-KI, XIII, EV), ga (VIL) with a cursive sign (XII) derived
from a gra like that in XIII.

8=hra with irregular addition of the ra-stroke to the end of ha (IV, A, B; VI, A), ha
(VI, B), A@ (VII, Ay X), hra@ (XI, XVI, XVIII) or in eastern inscriptions pu (VITI,
B; XV, A; XVI) probably oa cursive derivative from Ara, together with five cursive
signs without phonetic value (V,A; VIII, A; IX, A; B; XV, B), among which the
second and the fifth are derived from pu, the firatfrom hra, the third from fra, and tho
fourth from ha.

9=0: really occuring letter-forma in col. V (compare plate IV, 6, IX), in col. VI
(compare AU, plate VII, 7, X),in col. IX (compare plate VI, 13, D, in cola. XI, XII
(compare plate VY, 47, IX), in col. KIV (compara plate V,9, XV), in col. MVII (compare
plate VI,13, V ff.), different from the most ancient form (III, IV) in cols, VII, and XIII,
cursive in cols. X and AYLI. 7

10=thn®"! (III, in 10000; IV, A,B; V, A; VI, A), hence a cursive sign, derived
by the opening of the cirela of tha (V, B; VI, B; VII, A; VIII, 1%), which later
is converted intoa (X, XI, A, B), or into rya (RVI, A), or, a8 in the MSS., into ¢
(XIU, A, B ; XVI,.A), or into kha and ce (XV, A, B).

90= tha (III, in 20000; XV), or, as in the MSS., tha, tha, of the type of the period.

380=la, as in the MSS.; occasionally with small modification.

40=pta, a5 in the MSS., for which occasionally a cursive cross (V, A) or a sa through
a transposition of the ta (V, B; XI, B; XV).

50=[77] Anunasika (? Bhagvinlal ), as in the MSS., facing either the right or the
left, occasionally with small medilication.

60=pu (TX', together with four different cursive signs without phonetic value.

JO=ph (IV-VI ; TX, XI, Al, or pra (XII), togethor with a cursive cross (VII) and
another cursive sign (XJ, B), both possibly derived from pi.

60=Upadhmiiniya with a diagonal bar, and cursive forms of the Upadhmiiniya exactly
as in the MSS.

90=Upadbminiya with the cantral cross, as in the MSS.

100=either su (I, in 200; ITT; IX, A, B; X; XIII, in 300; XIII, in 400; XIV, in
400), for which, through a misreading, appeara A in the Nepal inscriptions of the Tth and Sth
centuries (XIII, A, B; XIV, in 300), and lw in eastern inscriptions °"* of the Gth-and later
centuries (X,. in 200; XVIII, in 200), or gu (probably owing to the dialectic permu-
tation of éa and sa) in the wéstern®®* and Kalinga inseriptiona (IV ; V; XI ; XII in 400; XV,
A, B) for which, through a misreading, O, (XVII, A, B) appears in late northern inscriptions.

200 and 300 are formed by the addition of respectively one and two horizontal bars,
to the right of akgara for 109 ; but in the Riipniith sign (I) by the prolongation of thea vertical
of sa. A distinct 7, as in the MSS., appears only in the of col. XVIII.

400=su-ki (INI), or su-pka (Ki KITI.: XIV), but éu-pka (KI). 500—4n-ira (TY).
G00=éu-phra (KIL). 700—au-gra (III).

101

1000=ro (II), or eu (probable in IV, distinct in XV, in 8000), or dhu (IV, in 2000 ; IV,
in 70000). 2000 and 8000=dhu with one or two horizontal strokes (IV).

4000=ro-ki (III), or dhu-ki (IV), 6000=ro-phara (IIL), 8000—dhu-hra (IV), of
eu-pu (XVI). |

10000=ro-tha (IIT), 20000=ra-tha (III), 70000=dhu with the cursiva sign for 70.

The above detaila show:—{1) That the inseriptiona of all periods, evan the ASoka
edicts in the case of 100, differ from the MSS. by offering, side by side with distinct letters,
numerous cursive or intentionally modified forms, and that, in the cage of 50 and 60, just
the older insoriptions show no real Aksaras.

(2) That, excepting 7, 9, 30, 40, $0, 90, the ‘ohowohiont valde of the letters varies
alroady since the earliest times, and that in many cases, as in those of 6,10, 60, 70, 109,-1000,
the variations are very considerable,

(3) That occasionally, as in the case of 10, 60, 70, the distinct letters, used in the later in-
ecriptions and the MSS., are derived in various ways {rom cursive signs without a phonetical value.

These facts, as well as the incompleteness of our knowledge of thé most ancient forme,
make an explanation of the origin of the system for the present very difficult. Bhagviinlal
Indriji, who first attempted the solution of the problem, conjectured that the numeral symbols
of the Brihmiare of Indian origin, and due to a peculiar use of the Mityrkia and certain
ligatures for numeral notation. But he declared himself unable to find the key of the
system, In 1877, I agreed with him, and Kern®** likewise concurred, but explained the 4 and 5
as combinations of four and five strokes, arranged in the form of lettera, But Burnell
differed entirely. He denied that the older cave-numerals”, with the exception of rare cases,
resemble lotters, and dwelt strongly on the impossibility of finding a principle, according to
which the Aksaras of the MSS. have been converted info numerals. Hae further pointed out
the geveral agreement of the principles of the Indian system with those of the Damotio
notation of the Egyptians, From this fact, as well as from the resemblance [78] of the
Demotic signs for 1 to 9 to the corresponding Indian symbols, he inferred that the ‘‘cave-
numerals” have been borrowed from Egypt, and after further modifications have been
converted into Akgaras. Finally, E.C. Bayley tried to show in bia lengthy essay, quoted above,
that, though the principles of the Indian system have been derived from the hieroglyphic
notation of the Egyptians, the majority of the Indian symbols hava been borrowed from
Phoenician, Bactrian, and Akkadian figures or letters, while for a few a foreign origin is not
demonstrable.

Bayley'’s explanation offers great difficulties, inter alia by the assumption that the
Hindus borrowed from four or five differant, partly very ancient and partly more modern,
sources. But the comparative table of the Egyptian and Indian signs given in his papar, and
hig remarks about the agreement of their methods in marking the hundreds, induce me to
give up Bhagvanlal’s hypothesis, and to adopt, with certain modifications, the view of Burnell,
with whom also Barth coneurs®’*. It seems to me probable that the Brihma numeral
symbols are derived from the Egyptian Hieratio figures, and that the Hindus effected their
transformation into Akgaras, because they were already accustomed to express numerals by
words (compare below, $ 35, A).

102

| This derivation, the details of which, however, still present difficulties and cannot
be called certain, has been given in Appendix II to the 2nd edition of my Indian
Studies No. III. But two other important points may be considered as certain:—({1) That
the varying forms in the Asoka edicts show these numerals to have had a longer history in the
drd century B.C. ; and (2) that the signs have*been developed by Brahmanical schoolmen, sinca
they include two forms of the Upadhmauiya, which without doubt has been invented by the
teachers of the Siksi.

B.—The Decimal Notation.

For the decimal notation, now occasionally called amkapalli, the Hindus used originally
the atikas or the units of the ancient system, together with the cipher or naught?®%, which
originally consisted of the siinyabindu, the dot (marking a blank, see below, § 35, B), called
by abbreviated names éfiny and bindu (sea BW.). Very likely this system is an invention of
the Hindu mathematicians and astronomers, made with the help of the Abacus (Burnell,
Bayley). If Hcernle's very probable estimate of the antiquity of the arithmetical treatisa,
contained in the Bakhshali M5., is correct?®", its invention dates from the beginning of our
era or even earlier. For, in that work the decimal notation is used throughout, Afé all
events, if was known to Varihamihira (6th century A.D.), who employs the word atka, “the
decimal figures", in order to express the numeral] 9 (Paticasiddhantika, 18, 33; compare
below, § 35, A). Its most important element, the cipher or naught, is mentioned in Subandhu’s
Vasavadaita, which Bina (about A.D. 620) praises as a famous book. Subandhu compares the
stars with ‘ciphers (éfnyabindavah) which the Creator, while caloulating (the value of) the
universe, on account of the absolute worthleasneas of the Samsiira marked with his chalk;
the crescent of the moon, all over the firmament which the darkness made similar to a skin
blackened with ink."""" The cipher, known to Subandhu, of course consisted of a dot, like
that of the Bakhshali MS. (plate IX, B, col. IX),

The earliest epigraphic instance of the use of the decimal notation ocours in the
Gurjara inscription of the Cedi year 346, or A.D, 595599, where the signs (plate Ix, B,
col. I) are identical with the numeral symbols of the country and of the period (compara tha
Valabhi column of plate TX, A)*°°, The same remark applies to the 2 in the date of the
month of the Cicacole plate mentioned on page 98 above, in which document we find also
the later circular cipher and [79] decimal 8 in the shape of a cursive sign derived from
pu. Another inscription of the 8th century, the Simangad plates of Sakasamvat 675, or
A.D. 754, offers only strongly modified cursive signs (plate IX, B, col. II),

In the specimens*®!| plate LX, B, cols, ITI-VIII, XIII) from inseriptiona of the 9th
and later centuries, when the use of the decimal figures is the rule, wa have likewise only
eursive signs, which in the 11th and 12th centuries (compare cols. VII, VIII, and XIII)
show local differences in the west, east and south. But all their figures bave been derived
either directly from the letter-numerals of the older system, or from letters with the
game phonetic value. The last remark applies to the 9 of cols. Ill, V, VI #f., which is
identical with the sigas for O used in later inseriptions in the word Om (compare, eg, IA. 6,
194 ff., Nos. 3-6),

103

Among the epecimens from MSS. (plate IX, B, cols. IX-XII), the decimal figures
of the Bakhshili MS., show the ancient letter-numerals for 4 and 9.

The Tamil numerals, which greatly differ from the usual ones and preserve the
old signs for 10, 100 and 1000, hava been given by Burnell, ESIP. plate 23 (compare id.
page 68). Those from Kabul are contained in the table accompanying E. 0. Bayley's paper,
Numismatic Chronicle, rd Series, 2, 128 ff.

$35.—NUMERAL NOTATION BY WORDS AND LETTERS.

A.—The word-numerals.

[80] In many manuals of astronomy, mathematics and metrics, as well ag in the
dates of inscriptions and of MSS., the numerals are expressed by the names of things, beings
or ideas, which, naturally or in accordance with the teaching of tha Sdstras, connote
numbers. The earliest traces of this cuztom have been discovered by A. Weber in the
Srautasitras of Kiityiyana and Lityiyana*®?, A few examples are found in the Vedic
Jyotisa and in the arithmetic of the Bakhshali MS. More numerous instances occur in
Pingala's manual of metrics, and from about A.D. 500 we find, first in Varihamihira's
Paticasiddhantika, a system of this deseription, which, gradually becoming more and more
perfect, extends to the cipher or nought, and to nearly all the numbers between 1 and 49,
During this latter period any synonym may be used for the words expressing numbers, and
in some cases the same word may be used for different numbers. Ii the words are compounds,
they may be represented by their first or second: part. _

This system of numeral notation, of course, has been invented in order to facilitate
the composition of metrical handbooks of astronomy and so forth. The most important words,
used to express numbers, are as followa?®*? :—

The cipher, 0, is expressed by (a) Sinya(Var., Ber.), “a void’’#°4; (5) ambara,
akaéa, &e., “the (empty) space of heaven" | Var., Ber., Bro.), anania (Bro,’.

1 is expressed by (a) riipa (Jyo., Bakh., Ping., Var.) “one piece; (b) indu, éadin,
sitaraémi, &e. (Var., Ber., Bro.), or abbraviated into raémi (Ber.), “the moon”; (ce) bhi, mahi
&e. (Var., Ber., Bro., Bur.), “the earth” ; (d) adi (Ber.), “beginning” ; (¢) pilamaha (Ber.),
“Brahman”; (f) nayaka (Bro.), “the hero” (of a play); (g) tanu (Bro.), “the body”.

2 is expressed by (a) yama, yamala (Var., Ber.), “twins ;(b) aévin, dasra (Var.,
Ber.), ‘the two ASvine"’; (c) Paksa (Var., Ber.), “the two wings, or the halves of the
body"; (d) kara, &c.-(Var., Bur.), ‘the hands"; («) nayana, &e (Var.. Ber., Bur.),
“the eyes’; (f) bahu (Bro.), “the arms"; (g) karna(Bro.), “the ears’; (h) kulumda
(Bro.), “the family”, i.e, husband and wife ; (i) ravicandrau (Ber.), “sun and moon",

$ is expressed by (a) agni, hotr*®*®, &c. (Var, Ber., Bro., Bur.), “the sacrificial
fires’; (6) rama (Var., Bro.), “the three Rimas” (of epic postry); (c) gua (Var,),
triguva (Ber.), “the qualities of matter"; (d) trijagat, loka (Ber.), “the three worlds” :
(2) trikala (Ber.), “the three times"; (f) trigata*®® (Bor.), “sounds, &c., with three
meanings" ; (g) sahodarah (Bro.), “the three uterine brothers’ ;4°7 (h) trinetra, &e. (Bro.),
“the three eyes of Siva”.

104

4 is expressed by (a) aya, Gya (Jyo.) krta*®® (Var, Ber.), “the (four) dice” ;
(b) veda, éruti (Ping, Var. Ber.), “the Vedas"; (c) abdhi, jaladhi, &e, (Ping. Vary
Ber., Bur.); abbreviated jala (Var.), dadhi (Ber.), “the oceana;" (d) dig (Ber), “the
cardinal points”; (e) yuga (Bro.), “the (four) agesof “the world”; (f) bandhu (Bro.),
“the (four) brothers’ ;*°° (g) kostha (Bro), (7); (h) varga (manuscript), “the (four)
principal castes”.

5 is expressed by (a) indriya, dc. (Ping., Var.. Bur.), “the organa of sense” ;
[91] (b) artha; vigaya, &e. (Var., Ber.), “the objects of tha senses”; (c) bhita (Piig,
Var., Ber.), “the elements’; (d) isu, &e. (Var., Ber., Bur.), “the arrows of Kiima” ;
(ec) Pandava (Ber.), abbreviated (pandu) suta, putra (Bro.), “the (five) Panda eons” ;
(f) praina (Bro)i “the vital naira’; (g) raina**" (Ber.) “the (five) jewels”.

6 is expressed by (a) rasa (Bakh., Ping., Var., Ber.), “the (six) flavours” ;
(b) riu (Ping., Var, Ber.’, "the seasons”; (c) ata (Ber.), “the auxiliary sciences of Vedic
studies”; (d) miasirdha (Ber.), “one half of the (twelve) months”; (¢) darg§ana, ke.
(Bro.), “tho (six) philosophical systems” ; (f) raga (Bro.), “the (six principal tunes" ; (g) ari
(Bro), “the (internal) foes (of men)”; (hk) kaya‘?! (inscription), “the bodies" (?)

1 is expressed by (a) gi, muni (Ping., Var.), “the (seven) seers’; or by atri,
the first among them (Bro.); (4) svara(Piag, Var., Bro.), “the motes’ (of the octave);
(c) ava (Var., Bro.), “the horses’ (of the gun); (d) aga, &o, (Var., Ber, Bur.), “the
(primeval) mountains”; (¢) dhatu (Bro), “the elements” (of the body); (f) chandas
(Bro.), “the (classes of the) metres”; (g) dhi(Ber.), (?) ; (4) kalatra (Bro.), (?).

8 is expressed by (a) anusiubh (Ping.), a metre with octosyllabie Pidas or
lines; (b) vasu (Ping. Var.), "the Vasu gods"; (c) ahi, &c. (Ber., Bur.), “the (eight
classes of) snakes"; (d) gaja, &e. (Ber., Bur.), “the elephants (guarding the eight points
of the horizon)”; ([e) matgala, bhiti (Ber., Bro.), “the (eight kinds of) auspicious
things’*!2; (f) siddhi (manuscript), “the supernatural powers”,

9 is expressed by (a) avka (Var., Bro.), “the decimal figures”: (b) nanda (Var.,
Ber.), ‘the (nine) Nandas”; (0) chidra, &c. (Ber.), “the cavities of the body”: (d) go,
graha (Ber., Bro., Bur.), “the planets” ;(¢) mnidhi(Bur.), “the treasures (of Kubera)” ; (/)
pavana (Ber.), (?).

10 is expressed by (a) difah, &e. (Ping, Var, TBer.). “the (ten) points of
the horizon”; (b) ravanasiras (Ber.), “the heads of Ravana"; (c) avatara (Bro,),
“the incarnations (of Visnu)’; (d! karman (Ber.), ‘the (ten (Grhya)-ceremonies” ; (e)
khendu (Ber), cipher (0) and moon (1), ie. 10.4*° |

11 is expressed by (a) rwdra (Ping., Var., Ber.), “the (eleven) Rudras”, or by
isa, Siva, &e. (Var., Ber.), the first of the eleven Rudras ; (b, c) aksawhini, labha (Bro.), (?).

12 is expressed by (a) @ditya, arka, &e. (Ping. Var., Ber.), “the (twelve)
eun-gods”’; or “suns”;, (b) vyaya (Bro. ), (?).

18 is expressed by (a) vidvedev}, abbreviated widva (Var., Bor.), ‘the (thirteen)
all-gods*?*": or by kama, the most famous among them (Bro.); (b) atijagatt (Var.),
a metre with thirteen syllables in each Pada; (¢) aghosa (Jagadficarita),4'® “the surd
congonante’’.

105

14 is expressed by (a) manu (Var, Ber.), “the (fourteen) Manus”; (6) indra
(Var., Ber,), “the (fourteen) Indras” ; (c) loka (Bro.), “the (fourteen) worlda’’.

15 is expressed by(a) tithi (Var., Bor.), “the lunar daya (of a half-month)";
(6) akan (Bro), “the solar days (ofa half-month)’; (c) paksa (Bro.), “half a month
(fifteen days)’.

16 is expressed by (2) agti (Var., Bor.), a metre with sixteen syllables in the
Pada; (b) bhipa, &e. (Var., Ber.), “the (famous sixteen) kings,"4!"(c) kala (Bro.), “the
digits of the moon”.

17 to 19 are expressed by atyasti (Ber.), dhyti, atidhrti (Var., Ber.), metres with
seventeen to ninateen syllables in the Piida.

20 is expressed by (a) krti (Var, Bor.), » metre with twenty syllables in the
Pada ; (b) nakha (Var., Ber.), “the nails (of the hands and feet)”

21 is expreased by (a) «wtkrti (Bor.,) 42"; (6) Svarga(Bro.), “heaven.”

99 is expressed by sats (Bro.), (?).

94 is expressed by jina (Var., Ber.), “the (twenty-four Tirthamkaras of the
Jainas.”

95 is expressed by tattva (Ber.), “principles of the Simkhya philosophy.”

96 is expressed by wikrti ( Var.), a metre with twenty-six syllables in the Pada.

97 is expressed by bhasamitha (Jyo.), naksatra (Bro.), “the lunar mansiona”,

$2 ig expressed by dania, &o. (Var., Bro.), ‘the teeth”.

88 is expressed by sura, &c. (Var., Bro.) “the gods”.

40 is expressed by naraka (Var., Pavicasiddhantika, 4, 6), “the hells”.

49 is expressed by ana (Bro.), ‘the notes’.

{89] In the Jyotiga and in the arithmetic of the Bakhshili MS., only single
words are used to indicate numbers.

In Pingala’s and other metrical manuals, the words with numeral meanings often
form (sometimes together with ordinary numerals) Dyandva compounds, which must be
dissolved by “or. Thus, vedariusamudra@} means ‘4 or 6 or 4”.

In the works of Varihamihira and other astronomers, we find, in addition, longer
Dvandva compounds, consisting of such word-numerals (be it alone, or associated with ordinary
numerals), which have to be dissolved by “and”, and then yield long rows of figures to be
read from the right to the left*!*. Thus, in the Pajicasiddhantiha, 4, 44, we have :—

0 0 4 4 1
kha — kha — veda — samudra — Hilaraf’mayah = 14400;
and in 9,9 of the same work, we have :—
0 0 16 2
kha — kh — @i — yamah = 21600

Such Dvandva compounds, which presuppose the exiatence of the decimal notation, are
used also for the dates of inscriptions. Dates exprested in this manner, are found in the
Kamboja and Campi inscriptions of the 7th eentury*'®. In Jaya they occur in the Sth
century*?®, And about the same time oppears the first trace of such 9 notation in an Indian

14

106

document, the Cicacole copper-plate inscription mentioned on page 98 above, where lo=8,
is an abbreviation of loka. Next follow the dates of the Kadab plates of A. D, 819*!,
and of the Dholpur stone inscription of A. D. 8424**, which are expressed in word-numerals :
and, in the next century, the plates issued by the Eastern Calukya Amma II in A, D, 945*2,
In later times the epigraphic instances become more frequent, and the ancient palm-leaf MSS.
of the Jainas***, ag well as the later paper MSS., offer a good many. The notations of
this kind have been caused sometimes by the vanity of the clerks and copyists, who wished
to prove their acquaintance with the methods of the astronomers, and perhaps still more
frequently by matrical reasons in the case of dates given in verse.

B.—Numeral notation by letters.

Two system of numeral notation, according to Burnell originally South-Indian, which
both employ the phonetically arranged characters of the alphabet, have still to be described,
as they are not without interest for paleography. In the firat syatem??5, only the vowelloss
consonants have apy importance, and their numeral values are :-—

Ekg gh mn ¢ ch js gh H= 1238s «4«6 ob Tt Bb OY
| th d dh nt th @ dh a 12384656378 9
pph Ob thm ww ww 2 = 1,9 8 4 5

yrto#t4yosh ft .=18 8 465678 9

The consonants are, however, nob used by themselves, but for the formation of chrono-
frame, containing any vowels and also compound consonants, of which the last element alone
has numerical value. In the figures, resulting from those chronograms, the units invariably
stand on the left, and the whole sum hag to be turned round. An interesting instance of
this notation, probably the most ancient hitherto discovered, occurs at the end of Sadguru-
Sigya’s commentary on the Sarvanukramayt (Macdouell, page 168, where the chronogram,
according to Kielhorn's undoubtedly correct amendation, is*** :—

2 3 1 56 6 65 1
khago = ntyan = mesam = apa.

As the author himself adds, this has the value of 1565132. “And this figure corresponda,
as the author likewise saye, to the number of the days elapsed since the beginning of the
Kaliyuga, and yields the vernal equinox, 24th March, A, D. 1184, as the date of the com-
pletion of the work. The equinox is indicated also by the verbal meaning of the chrono-
gram :—"(Coming) from the last (sign of the Zodiac), the sun reached Aries’.

Tha second system to ba considered**", which is still used in Ceylon, Siam and Burma
for the pagination of MSS., and according to Burnell formerly also [83] occurred in
Southern India, utilises the Brahmanical Barakhadi (see page 16 sbove). According to
Burnell, the Akgaras ka to fa are equivalent to 1 to 34; ka to /4=86 to 68; ki to Ji=69
to 102; and so on. But in the Pali MSS. of the Viennese Court Library from Burma,
I find ka to kah=1 to 12; kha to khah=13 to 24; and so on: and in those from Ceylon,
where the Barakhadi includes the vowels 7, 7, { and }, ka to kah=1 to 16, and kha to khah=17

107

to $9, whereby oa somewhat differant employment of the Aksaras resulta???, Fausball
has kindly informed me that the last two methods alone (not that mentioned by Burnell)
are used in the Pali MSS. known to him. And he adds that, after tha exhaustion of the
whole Barakhadi, the Ceylonese MSS. begin again with 2 ka, 2 ka, and co on, and further
that the pagination of Siamese MSS. agrees exactly with those from Burma.

VIL THE EXTERNAL ARRANGEMENT OF INSCRIPTIONS AND
MANUSCRIPTS.
§36—THE LINES, GROUPING OF WORDS, INTERPUNCTUATION, AND
OTHER DETAILS.
A.—The lines.

Already in the earliest inscriptions incised on smoothed stones, the Hindus
have tried to form regular straight lines ani to make the upper ends of the
Matrkas of equal height. ASoka’s masons, however, have rarely succeeded, even in the
pillar edicts and in the rock edicts of Girndr, Dhauli and Janugada, to keep the
line in more than a few conseoutiya words, mostly those of one group (see below,
under B). But in other documents of the same period, as in ‘the Gbasundi stone
inscription (see page 49 above), the Inter*?® and still valid principle has been more
carefully observed, according to which only the vowel-signs, the superecribed ra and
similar additions may protrude above the upper line, This regularity probably has boen
attained by marking the upper line with chalk, as is still done, or by other mechanical
appliances. |

The lines of the MSS. are always very regular, even in the oldest specimens,
such as the Dhammapada from Khotan, and probably hava been made with the help
of a ruler (see below, § 37, J). In the ancient palm-leaf MSS. and in many later ones.
on paper, the ends of the lines are marked by vertical double strokes, running sacrosa
the whole breadth of the leaves. In the MSS., the lines always run horizontally, and
from the top to the bottom ; and this is also the casa in most inscriptions. But thera
are a few inscriptions which have to be read from below**®.

Vertical lines sometimes oceur on coins, especially on those of the KuSinas and
the Guptas“®!,_ Tho cause of the latter arrangement of tho letters .was probably the
want of space. ; ;

B.—The Grouping of Words.

* [84] In addition to the still usual method of writing the words continuously
without a break, up to the end of a line, of a verse, half-verse or other division, we
find already in eome of the oldest documents, euch as certain Asoka edicts!®*, instances
of the separation of single words, or of groups of words which belong together, either
according to their sense oF according to the clerk's manner of reading. A similar
grouping of the words occurs also in' some proge inscriptions of the Andhras and the
Western Ksatrapas at Nasik ; compare Nos. 5, 11A,B,and 13, Inthe carefully written

108
metrical inscriptions of the later times, the Piidas or the half-verses occasionally
are separated by blank spaces*®®, and each line contains a half-verse or a verse***,

Similarly, in the Kharosthi Dhammapada from Khotan, each line contains one
Gatha, and the Padas are divided off by blanks. In other old MS5.,a8 the Bower MS.,
single words and groups of worda are often written separately, apparently without any
certain principle, .

In inscriptions, the Mangala, especially when ib is the word siddham, often stands
by itself on the margin***,

O.—Interpunctuation***,

Signs of interpunctuation are not found in the Kharogthi inscriptions. But the
Dhammapads from Khotan offers at the end of each verse a circular mark, often made
negligently, but resembling the modern cipher**®’, At the end of a Vagga appears a sign,
which is found at tho end of various inscriptions, eg. F.GI (CII. 3), No. 71, plate 414A,
and which probably is intended to represent a lotus.

In connection with the Brahmi, signs of interpunctuation occur since the earliest
times, and the signs employed are the following :—

(1) A single vertical stroke (dayda) is used (irregularly and sometimes wrongly)
in some Asoka edicts**" for the separation of single words or of groups. In later times
it serves to separate prose from verse**®®, or occurs at the end of portions of sentences**”,
of sentences**!, of half-verses*** or verses***, and occasionally even marks the end
of documents*4*, In the inscriptions of the Eastern Calukyas**” the dayda has occasionally
a small horizontal top-bar ; thus, T.

(9) A double vertical stroke, 4 appears in ‘the Junnar inscriptions Nos. 24-29
after numerals, and once after the name of the donor. Later it ocours at the end of
sentences’*®, half-verses**?, verses*#%, larger prose sections and documents**®, From
the 5th century, a hook is often added to the top of the firat stroke; thus "@ *°°. Or
both strokes receive such additions; thus, %@ *51, Gurves and hooks are added also to
the foot of one of tha strokes or of both*®*. From the end of the 8th cantury, a bar is
attached on the left, to the middle of the firat stroke; thus, —1l #53. In the ingcriptions
of the Eastern Calukyas, bars stand at the top of the strokes; thus, TT” : and a Kalinga

inscription has similarly 47 *°*.

(3) A triple vertical stroke marks occasionally the end of insoriptions***.

(4) A single short horizontal stroke, placed on the left below the firat sign of
the last line, marks in the Asoka edicts of Dhauli and Jaugada the end of an edict.
From the 2nd century B. 0.45" to the Tth century A. D., this sigo, which is often curved
or bears o hook at one of its ends, serves the same purposes as the single vertical stroke**’.

(5) A double horizontal stroke, often bent, appears fr°m the lst to the 8th
century A. D. in the place of the double vertical*®®., The Kugiina inscriptions and some
‘ater ones offer in its stead a double dot*®®, which looks exactly like a Visarga.

109

(6) A double vertical, followed by- a horizontal stroke, occasionally marks the
end of inseriptions*®”.

(7) A crescent-like stroke, 2 , marks the ends of the Asoka edicts at Kalsi,
Nos. I-XI.

(6) A crescent-like stroke with a bar in the middle, 3 , stands twice in Kugina
inscriptions after the Mangala siddham*"*,

Besides, numeral figures alone occasionally mark the ends of verses, see, @.6.,
F.GI (CII. 3), Nos. 1, 2, and similarly Maigala-symbols (see below, under D) stand at
the end of inscriptions or of sections of the text, especially in ancient MSS., such ag
the Eower MS.

Finally, it is mecessary to call attention ts the frames surrounding the Asoka edicts
in the Giroar version, the Jaugada separate edicts, and the Dhauli separate edict No, I.

What the insoriptions teach us regarding the history of the Indian interpunctuation
may be briefly summed up, as follows. During the earliest period up to the beginning
of our era, only single strokes, either straight or curved, are used, and their use is rare.
After the beginning of our ers, we find more complicated signs. (85) Bot up to the 5th
century their use remains irregular. From that time onwards, we have, especially in
the Pragastis on stone, more regular systems of interpunctuation. And the Mandisor
Pragasti of A.D, 478-74, F.GI (CILS), No. 18, plate 11, first proves the existence of
the still valid principle, which requires one stroke after a half-verse and two strokes
at the end of a verse. But up to the Sth century there are Various copper-plates and
stone inscriptions, especially from Southern India, without any interpunctuation*®*. Its
methodical development is due to the Brahmanical schoolmen. In the offices, interpunc-
tuation apparently never became a favourite. As a comparison of the documents of one
and the game dynasty easily shows, tha degree of regularity with which the signs are used,
depends nob upon the age of the Sasanas, but on individual qualities of the writers,
their learning and their carefulness.

D.—Matyalas and ornamentation.

In accordance with the ancient Brahmanical maxim, which requires a Mangala,
a benediction or an auspicious word, at the beginning, in the middle and at the end of
a composition in order to insure its completion and preservation, sacred symbols of
auspicious import are found at the beginning and the end of two ASoka edicts’®? and of
many inscriptions of the next four centuries*®*, Tho most common Mangala-symbols,
employed in this way, are the well-known Svastika, the trident or the so-called Triratna
symbol resting on the Dharmacakra, and the conventional representation of a Caitys
treet®5. But there are also others, the names of which are as yet unknown. Once*®® the
Svastika appears after the word siddiam.

In later times, we find also Mangala-symbols with greatly modified forms, partly in
the texts at the end of larger sections and partly at the end of documents or literary works.
A very common sign of this description is a large circle with a smaller one, or with one or
several dots in the middle?®7, This may be a conventional representation either of the

110.

Dharmacakra which is still distinctly visible in front of F. GI (CII. 3), No. 63, plate 39,
A, or of the lotus, which likewise occurs, Asa circle with a dot, @ , corresponds to the
ancient tha, other signs, closely resembling or identical with later forms of tha, are used as
substitutes*®". And the modern MSS. finally offer the well-known @, which corresponds
to one of tha medieval forms of tha, but is now read cha.

Sinee the 5th century, we find also new symbols, consisting of highly ornamental forms
of the ancient O of the word Om ( plate IV, 6, KVIIT; plate V, 47, IX), which latter is ao
great Mangala. They are used both at the beginning and at the end of inscriptions and
occasionally even on the margin of copper-plates*®®,

Many of the sculptures, found in connection with stone ingeriptions, appear to have
the same meaning as the Mangala-symbols just mentioned. Of this kind are, e.g., several
of the relievos above Bhagvanlal's Nepal inscriptions#™, such as the Saikhas (No. 8), the
lotuses (Nos. 5, 15), the bull Nandi (Nos. 7, 12), the fish (No. 9), the sun-wheel and the
stara (No. 10). It is however possible that the lotus of No. 15 may refer also to the
donation of a silver lotus, the dedication of which the inscription records, Again, the sun-
wheel and the stars of No. 10 may also be intended to indicate the wish, often expressed
explicitly in words, that the donation, to which the inscription refers, may last “as long
a5 600 and stars endure’.

Similar illustrations of the contents of the inscriptions and symbolical representations
of the wishes*’* and of other matters expressed in them, are not rare. Corresponding
engravings on the copper-plates are less common. But on these the royal coat of arms is
sometimes engraved below or by the side of the text, instead of on a separate seal, and the
stone inscriptions, too, occasionally exhibit such devices*’*. Among the MSS., those of the
Nepalese Buddhists and of the Jninas of Gujarit are often richly ornamented and perfectly
iNlustrated®?*, Specimens of illuminated Brahmanical MSS. are, however, not wanting.

E.—Corrections, Omissions and Abbreviations***,

In the earliest inscriptions, as in the ASoka edicts (see, ag., Kilsi edich XIT, line 31)
erroneous passages [86] are simply scored out. Later, dota or short strokes above or below
the line are used to indicate clerical errors. The same signs occur in MSS., where however,
in late times the delenda are covered with turmeric or a yellow paste. On the copper-
plates, they are frequently beaten out with a hammer, and the corrections are then engraved
on the smoothed spot. We possess even entire palimpsests of this kind*’*.

In the Asoka edicts and other early inscriptions, letters and words, left out by mistake,
are added above or below the line without any indication of the place to which they belong*7®,
or they are also entered in the interstices between the letters, In the later inscriptions and
the MSS., the spot of the omission is indicated by a small upright or inclined cross, the
so-called kaikapada or haytsapada, and the addenda are given either in the margin *’" or
between tho lines.

A Svastike is sometimes put instead of the cross**®, In South-Indian MSS., the cross
is used also to indicate intentional omissions, made in Stitras with commentaries*’®. TElse-

iil

where, intentional omissions, or such as have been caused by defects im the original of the
copy, are marked by dota on the line or by short strokes above the line*®°, The modern eign
for the elision of an initial A, the so-called Avagraha, has been traced first on the Barodii
copper-plate of the Ragtrakita king Dhruva, dated A, D.834-3545'. A kundala, “ring”, or a
Svastika, served to mark unintelligible passages; sea Kashmir Report, 71 and Kuielhorn,
Mahalhisya, 2, 10, note.

In Western India, abbreviations are found first in an inscription of the Andhra king
Siri-Pulumayi (Nasik, No. 15) of about A. D. 150, and in the nearly contemporaneous one
of Sirisena- or Sakagena-Madhariputa (Kanheri, No. 14). In the north-west, they are very
common in the inscriptions of the Kusgina period. The commonest instances are :—
samva, sava, sam and sa for sanivatsara ; gri, gr or gi for grigmah or gimhanam ; va for
varsah ; he for hemantah ; pa for pakhe ; and diva or di for divasa; and they are only found
when the dates ara expressed by figures. In this connection, they are used regularly in the
later inscriptions and even in our daye. But in these later times we find usually samvat,
which sometimes evan is inflected*®?, before the dates of the years ; but, before the dates of
the month falling in the bright half, éu or su di for éuddha- or Sukla-pakga-dina, or in Kashmir
$u or st ti (tithi), and before those falling in the dark half, ba or va di for bahula- or vahula-
paksa-dina, or in Kashmir ba ti.

From the 6th century, the inscriptions of Western India offer here and there
abbreviations of other words, such as di for dfltaka, dvi for dvitiya***.

Imter, especially since the 11th century, abbreviations of titles and the names of
tribes, castes and so forth become very common. In the MSS. they are noticeable since
the earliest times. Thus, the Khotan Dhammapada (Paris fragment) has, at the end
of a Vagga, ga 30 for gatha 30; and in the Bower MS., plate IT, §lo for Sloka and
pi pada often occur in connection with figures at the end of asection. In the inseripions
and MSS. of the 12th century we find with names, nob with dates, the small circle
or bindu*®*,- which is still used to indicate abbreviations; ¢.6., 3” for thakkara, The same
sign is used in Prakrt MSS. toindicate the omission of one or several letters that can
be easily supplied ; ¢g,,a fabhavam, for attabhavam, di’ tha for diltha*®*.

F.—Pagination.

The Hindus number only the leaves (patira), not the pages (prs{ha), of their MSS. ;
and the Dravidian districts the figure stands on the firat page of each leaf, in all
other parts of India on the second (sankaprstha)**°, The same rule holds good in the case
of copper-plates, the sheota of which sometimes (but rarely) are numbered*®’.

G.—Seals,

According to the law-books***, all Saeanas [87] must bear the royal seal. Consequently,
seals, wolded to the plates orto the rings connecting the plates, or attached to them
by pins, are found with the majority of the grants. They show the royal coat of arms
(mostly the representation of an animal or ofa deity), or, in addition to such emblems, &

=

113

shorter or longer inscription, giving the name of the king or of the founder of the dynasty, or
the whole pedigree, and sometimes merely an inseription*®”,

VIII. WRITING MATERIALS, LIBRARIES AND WRITERS.
§ 37.—WRITING MATERIALS**9
A.—Biroh-bark.

[88] The inner bark of the Bhfrja-tree (Baetula Bhojpattr), which the Himilaya
produces in great quantity, probably is alluded to already by Q. Ourtinus (sea above,
page 20) aa a writing material used by the Hindus at the time of Alexander's invasion, and
later itis frequently named as such in Northern Buddhist and Brahmanical Sanskrit
works*®!, Tt is even called Iekhana, the “writing material", and written documenta go by
the name of bAfirja. According to Beriini*®*, pieces, one ell in length and one span in
breadth, were prepared for use by rubbing them with oil and polishing them. ‘The art
of the preparation has however been lost in Kashmir, when the introduction of paper
during the Moghal period furnished a more convenient material*®®, But a not inconsiderable
number of old birch-bark MSS. still exist in the libraries of of the Kashmir Pandits.
According toa statement made toma by Bhati Daiji, biroh-bark MSS. occur also in Orissa,
and amulets, written on Bhiirja, are still used throughout all the Aryan districts of India**.
The use of the Shfrjapatira of course began in the north-west: bub it seems to have
spread in early times, as the copper-plates of Central, Eastern and Western India appear
to have been cut according to the size of the Bhiirja, which in Kashmir mostly corresponds
to our quarto (Burnell), As stated in many classical Sanskrit works and by Bertini, all
letters were written on Bhiirja at least in Northern, Central, Eastern and Western India.

The oldest documents on Bhirja, which have been found, are the Kbharosthi
Dhammapada from Khotan, and the inscribed “twists”, tied up with threads, which
Masson discovered in the Stfipas of Afghanistan (see above, page $4, and note 100), Next
come the fragments from the Godfrey Oollection and tha Bower MS., the leaves of which
have been out according to the size of palm-leaves, and, like these, area pierced in the
middle in order to pasa a string through, intended to hold them together*®®, Next in age is
the Bakhshali MS., and then follow after a considerable interval tha birch-bark ~
MSS. from Kashmir in the libraries of Poona, London, Oxford, Vienna, Berlin, &o.,
none of which probably dates earlier than the 15th century.

The use of well-beaten cotton cloth: is mentioned by Nearchos (see above, page 20),
and some metrical Smrtis, as well as some inscriptions of the Andhra period state.
that -official and private documents wera written on pata, patika or karpasika pata*®*.
According to Burnell, and Rice (Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer, 1877, 1. 403), the Kanarese
traders still use for their books of business a kind of cloth, called kadatam, which is covered
with a paste of tamarind-seed and afterwards blackened with charcoal, Tho letters are

113

written with chalk or steatite pencils, and the writing is white or black. In the Byhajjfidnakoja
at Jesalmir, I founda silk band with the list of the Jaina Siitras, written with ink. Recently
Peterson (Fifth Report. 113) has discovered at Anhilvid Patan a MS., dated Vikrama-Samvat
1418 (A.D. 1361-62), which is written on cloth.

0O,—Wooden Boards.

The passage of the Vinayapilaka (sca above, page 19), which forbids "tha incising” of
precepts for religious suicide, bears witness toa very early use of wooden boards or bamboo
chips as writing materials. Equally, the Jatakas, and also later works, mention the writing
board, used in the elementary schools. Chips of bamboo (galaka), with the name of the bearers
served a8 passports for Buddhist monks (Burnouf, Introd. d Uhistoire du Bowddhisme, 259,
note). An inscription from the time of the Western Ksatrapa Nahapana*’®’ speaks of boards
(phalaka) in the guildhall, on which agreements regarding loans were placarded, and Katyiyana
prescribes tHat plaints are to be entered on boards with pandulakha, i.e., with chalk***,
Dandin narrates, in the Dagakwmaracarita, that Apaharavyarman wrote his declaration,
addressed to the sleeping princess, on a varnished board*”’. MSS. on varnished boards, which
are common in Burma, have hitherto not been discovered in India proper; bat thera are
indications that the Hindus, too, used boards for literary purposes. Winternitz informs me
that the Bodleian Library possesses a MS, on wooden boards, which comes from Assam,
[89] And Rajendralal Mitra asserts, in Gough's Papers, p. 13, that in the North-West Provinces
poor people copy religious works with chalk on black boards.

According to the Canon of the Southern Buddhists (ses above. page 90), leaves (parma)

were in ancient times the moat common writing material. Though the texts’”” do not mention

the plants which furnished these leaves, it is not doubtful that they came then, as in
later times, chiefly from the large-leaved palm-trees, the ‘a@qa or tale (Borassua {label
liformis) and the t@qi or tali (Corypha umbraculifera, or O. taliera), which, originally
indigenous inthe Dekhay, are found at present even in the Pafijab, The earliest witness*”!
for the general use of palm-leaves throughout the whole of India is Hiuen Tsiang (Tth
century), But we possess clear proof that they were used even in north-west India during
much earlier times, The Horiuzi palm-leaf MS. certainly goes back to the 6th century, and
some fragments in the recently discovered Godfrey Collection from Kashgar belong, as Hoernle
has shown on the paleogrphical evidence, at least to the 4th century, and are older than the
Bower MS°°?, Again, the bhirjapatira leaves of the Bower MS. are cut according to the size of
palm-leaves, and that is also the case with the Taxila copper-plate (see above, page, 41) which
certainly is not later then the 1st century A.D. As the coppersmith then chosea palm-leaf for
his model, it follows that palm-leaves must have been commonly used for writing, even in the
Pafijab. A Buddhist tradition, preserved in the Life of Hiuen Tsiang®°*, asserts that the Canon
was written on palm-leaves at the first Council held immediately alter Buddha's death. And
the story regarding Samghabhadra’s ‘dotted MS. of the Vinaya”, published by Takakusu in
LRAS. 1896, 496 f., shows that this tradition is at least two centuries older ; one inference,

15

il4

which may be drawn from it, ia, that about A. D. 400 the Buddhists believed palm-leaves to
have been used for writing since immemorial times.

According to Rijendralal Mitra®’*, the palm-leaves, to be wsed for writing, are
first dried, next boiled or soaked in water, then again dried, and finally polished with
elones or conch-shells and cut to the proper size. It agrees with this statement, that
the leaves of the ancient MSS. from Nepal and Western India frequently show traces
of an artificial preparation. Their length varies between one and three feet, and their
breadth between one and a quarter and four inches®®5, Against this, Burnell"°® asgerts
that the people of Southern India take no trouble with the preparation, and mostly
even neglect to trim the leaves properly. The last agsertion is not borne out by the
appearance of the South-Indian MSS. known to me, though it is no doubt true of
the leaves used by clerks and men of business in offices and for letters.

The Horiuzi MS., and the fragments in the Godfrey Collection, as well as the
numerous palm-leaf MSS. of the 9th and later centuries from Nepal, Bengal,
Rajputiins, Gujarit and the northern Dekhan prove that since ancient times the
palm-leaves were written on with ink all over Northern, Eastern, Central and
Western India. Since the introductian of paper, they are no longer used in these
districts, except in Bengal for MSS. of the Candipatha®®",

In the Dravidian districts and in Orissa, the letters were, and still arc, incised
with a stilus and afterwards blackened with soot or charcoal. The oldest MS., found
in the south, dates according to Burnell®°* from A. D, 1428,

All palm-leaf MSS. are pierced either with one hole, usually in the middle,
more rarely, in specimens from Kashgar, on the left, or with two holes on the left
and the right, through which strings (siffra or Sarayaniraka)5°" are passed in order to
keep the leaves together. |

In Southern India, raw palm-leaves were, and still are, commonly used for
letters, for private and official documents, as well ag in the indigenous schools. For
the latter purpose they are also employed in Bengal’'", According to Adams®!!, the pupils
of the folls write also with lamp-soot on the large Baniinii and SAl leaves.

E.—Animal Substances,

D'Alwis®!? agserta that Buddhist works mention skins among the Writing materials,
but neglects to quote the passages. It is possible to infer from the passage of the
Vasavadatia, quoted above (§ 34, B) that in Subandhu’s time sking were used for writing.
But the fact that leather is ritually impure makes the inference hazardous. And
hitherto no MS. on leather has turned up in India, though pieces of leather from
Kashgar, ingoribed with Indian characters, are said to exist in the Petersburg
collections, A blank piece of parchment [90] lay among the MSS. ofthe Jesalmir
By hajjiiiinakoga.

Manuscripts on thin plates of ivory occur in Burma, and the British Museum
possesses [wo specimens,” **

115

F.—Metals,

The Jatakas®!* state repeatedly that the important family records of rich merchants,
and verses and moral maxims, were engraved on gold plates, and Burnell®'® mentions that
they were used for royal letters and for land-grants. A gold plate with a votive inscription in
Kharosthi has been foundina Stipa at Giiigu near the ruins of Taxila®!", Specimens of
amall MSS. and official documents on silver likewise are preserved"’™, and among them is
one from the ancient Stiipa at Bhattiprolu. Inthe British Mugssum there ara also MSS.
on gilt and silver plated palm-leaves.

It is a matter of course that the precious metals were used only in rare and exceptional
eases. But, as the exceedingly numerous finds prove., copper-plates (famrapala, famrapatira,
iamrasdsana, abbreviated tamra) were since ancient times the favourite material for engraving
various kinda of documents which were intended to last, and especially land-grants, to
the donees of which they served as title-deeds,

According to Fabian (shout A.D. 400), the Buddhiat monasteries possessed grants
engraved on copper, the oldest of which dated from Buddha's time®**, Though this statement
requires confirmation, the Sohgaura plate (sea above, page 49) teaches us that during the
Maurya period official decrees were committed to copper. Another Buddhist tradition,
preserved by Hiuen Tsiang®?*, asserts that Kaniska caused the sacred books to be engraved
on sheets of copper. And o similar story, which Burnell declares to be untrustworthy,
is told regarding Siyana’s commentaries on the Vedas®?", But it is undeniable that copper
has been used also for the preservation of literary works, as plates with such contents
have been found ob Tripatty, and specimens from Burma, and Oeylon (some of which
are gilt) are now in the British Museum®**. Photographs of quite modern copper-plates
with ligts of goods in Guruomukhi and Niigari, sent from Kashgar to 8+. Petersburg,
have reached me through the kindness of 8. yon Oldenberg.

As regards the technical preparation, the oldest (amraéasana known, the Sohgaura
copper-plate (see above, page 49 ), bas beon cast in a mould of sand, into which _the letters
and the emblems above them had been previously soratched with a stilus or a pointed
piece of wood. Henee both the letters and the emblems appear on the plate in relievo.
All other copper-plates have been fashioned with the hammer, and many among them
show distinct traces of the blows. Their thickness and size vary very considerably. Some are
very thin sheets, which could be bent double and weigh only o few otlnoes ; othera are
exceedingly massive and are eight or nine pounds in weight or even heavier®*", Their size
is partly determined by the nature of the writing material commonly used in the districts
where they were issued, and partly by the extent of the document to be engraved, the siza
of the clerk's writing, and so forth. The smiths always imitated tho originals given them.
If these were written on palm-leaves, the plates were made marrow and long. If the
material was birch-bark, the plates became much broader, often almost square. Of the
first- description are all the copper-plates from Southern India, wiih fe exes of those
* the Yaddavas of Vijayanagara, which imitate atone stelae*?*. ‘To the second class belong

all the Siisanas issued further north, with the exception of the Taxila plate, which, o

116

stated already, is the size of a palm-leaf. A comparison of the numerous plates of the
Valabhi kings shows very clearly how their size gradually grows with the increasing length
of the PraSasti. —

If, as is mostly the case, several plates were required for one document, they
were usually connected by copper rings passed through round holes in the plates. The
single ring is usually found in Sasanas from Southern India, and then the hole is uaually
made in the left side of the plate. If there are two rings, the holes go through the lower part
of the first plate, the upper part of the second, and go on alternately. The rings correspond
to the threads which keep the palm leaves together, and they make of many i@mrasisanas
small volumes®**, which can ba opened quite conveniently. The lines run always, except in
the Vijayanagara plates, [91] parallel to the broadest side of the plate, The letters have
mostly been incised with a chisel, rarely with a graver (compara above, page 35). In order
to protect the writing, the rims of the plates are usually thickened, and slightly raised°*®,
and the first side of the first plate, as well as the second side of the last, is left blank,
The copper seals attached to the plates seem to have been cast, and their inscriptions and
emblems are raised on a counter-sunk surface. According to Bana®*®, the state seal of king
Harga was made of gold,

Various copper statues show votive inscriptions on their bases. A single inscription
on iron, that on the iron pillar of Meharauli, near Delhi®**, has become known. The British
Museum possesses a Buddhist MS. on tin®?5,

G.—Sione and Brick.

Stones of the most various kinds, rough and artificially smoothed blocks of basalt or
trap, as well ag artistically carved columns of standstone, or even prisms of crystal, have
been sinca the most ancient times tha most common materials for making documents, ag
Asoka expresses himself, cirathitika, ‘auch as to endure for along time”. And it is indifferent
whether the documents are official or private, whether they contain royal proclamations,
treaties batween kings, or agreoments between private individuals, grants and donations oF
poetical effusions. There are even some instances of the incision of larger literary works ;
large fragments of plays by the Cihamina king Vigraha IV, and by his poet-laureate Somadeva,
have been found at Ajmir®=*, and a large Jaina Stbhalapurana ina number of Sargas, impressions
of which (unpublished) I owe to Fibrer and G, H. Ojha, exists in Bijholli (Rajputina).

Bricks, showing single or a few lettera, have bean known for some time, as specimens
have been found by Cunningham®*®, Fihrer and others in various parts of India, and even in
Burma. But recently a set has been discovered in the North-West Provinces by Hoey, on
which Budbhist Siitras are inscribed, the characters haying apparently been scratched on the
moist clay, before it was baked®*?.

H.—Paper,.

During the period to which this work refers, paper was hardly known or at least little
used in India, as its introduction is only due to the Muhammadans. Rajendralail Mitra®*?,
however, asserts that a “letter-writer" by king Bhoja of Dhara proves its usa in Malva during
the 11th century. The oldest paper MS. in Gujarit is said to date from A.D. 1999-24°°%,

117

Paper MSS. dated Vikrama-Samvat 1984 and 1394 (A.D. 1997-29 and 1937-38), the

leaves of which are cut according to the size of palm-leaves, bave been discovered by Peterson
at Anhilvad Pitan®**. It is very doubtful if any of the anclent MSS. from Kashgar, which ara

written on a peculiar paper, covered with a layer of gypsum, are of Indian origin ; Hoernle
believes that all of them were written in Central Asia®?°,

1.— Ink.

Tho oldest undoubtedly Indian term for ink is mazi or magi freequently spelt mast or
mast. The word, which occura as a varia leclio already in a Grbyastitra, is derived from the
verb mag (himisdyam), and means etymologically “powder®*®.” ‘Further, it serves to denote
several kinds of pulyerised charcoal, which were mixed with water, gum, sugar and so forth,
and used for the preparation of ink®°?, Burnell is mistaken when he asserts that in
Classical Sanskrit Literature mast, “ink” occurs only in the Inte works; it was known
to Bana (about A. D. 630) and to his predecessor Subandhu?**.

Benfey, Hincks and Weber have derived mela, another word for ‘ink'’, for the
Greek je'Aas. But it is, no doubt, the feminine (viz., masi) of the common Prakyt adjective
maila, “dirty, black" which cannot have been borrowed from the Greeks??", Mela, likewise,
was known to Subandhu, who uses the denominative melanandayate, “becomes an inkstand”®*9,
The Kogas offer for “inkstand’” also melamanda, melandhu, melandhuka and masgimalt,
and the Puranas masipdtra, magibhanda and magiktpika?*?.

The statements of Nearchos and Q. Curtius (see above, page 90) according to which
the Hindus wrote on cotton cloth and on the inner bark of trees, ie. Bhitrja, make it
very probable that they used ink already in the 4th century B.C. To the same conclusion
points the fact that in some letters of the ASoka edicts dots are occasionally substituted
for loops?*?, The oldest specimen of writing with ink, on the relic-vase of the Stiipa [92]
of Andher (see above, page 20)is certainly not later than the 2nd century B. 0, From
the first centuries A, D. dates the Kharosthi Dhammapada from Khotan, as well as
the twists of Bhiirja and the stone vessels with Kbharogthi letters in ink from the
Stiipas of Afghanistan. Somewhat later are the ancient Bhirja and palm-leaf MSS.
with Brahma characters, Painted inscriptions oceur still in the caves of Ajanta’**,

Coloured ink, which in later times the Jainas especially have used extensively
for their MSS°!*, is mentioned also in Brahmanical works, ¢-€-. in the sections of the
Puriinas on the donation of MSS°*°. Besides chalk (see above, § 34, B), red lead or minium
(hitigula) was used, already in ancient times, as a substitute for ink®**.

J.—Pens, pencils, ce.

The general name of “nn instrument for writing” is lekhan?, which of course includes
the stilus, pencils, brushes, reed and wooden pens, and is found already in the epica®*’.

The varjaka, mentioned in the Lalitavistara, no doubt refers to the little stick
without a slit, with which the school-boys still draw the letters on the writing board (see
above, page 20). The Kogas offer the variant varnika. The vartavartika, which ocours in the
passage of the Dagakwmaracarita referred to above (sce page 113 above, and note 493), must

118

be a brush or coloured pencil, as, according to other passages, the variika@ was used for
drawing or painting’**®. Tali or talik& probably denoted originally “a brush", though it
is explained also by the modern salai, “gravor", a stilus.5*°

The most usual name of the reed penis the word kalama, k«‘d«os, Calamus, which
occurs in all eastern languages ; the rarer indigenous Indian name is ijtka@ or isika literally
“reed"*5°, Pieces of reed, bamboo or wood, out after the manner ol our peng, are used in all
parts of India where the use of ink prevails,°°! and all the existing ancient MSS. on palm-
leaves and Bhiirja probably have been written with such pens’**, The Sanskrit name
of the stilus used in Southern India is éalaka, in Marathi salai.

Regarding the now very generally used ‘ruler’, a piece of wood or cardboard with
strings fixed at equal distances, and regarding its Probable predecessors, see Anecdota
Oroniensia, Aryan Series, 1, 8, 66, and Angeiger d. W. Akademie, 1897 No. VIII, where
photographs of two specimens have been given. According to a letter from O, Klemm
(April 21, 1997), the Ethnological Museum of Berlin possesses two specimens, one from
Calcutta with the ingcription nivedanapatira and one from Madras called kidugu.

$38.—THE PRESERVATION OF MANUSCRIPTS AND COPPER-PLATES,
AND THE TREATMENT OF LETTERS.
A.—Manuseripts and Libraries.

[93] Wooden covers, cut according to the size of the sheets, wera placed on
the Bhiirja and palm-leaves, which had been drawn on strings, and this is still the
custom even with the paper MS8S°°, In Southern India the covers aro moatly
pierced by holes, through which the long strings are passed. The latter are wound round
the covers and knotted. This procedure was usual already in early times”®* and was observed
in the case of the old palm-leaf MSS. from Western and Northern India. But in Nepal
the covers of particularly valuable MSS. sometimes are made of omboased metal : the MSS.
(pustaka) which have been prepared in this manner are usally wrapped upin dyed or even
embroidered cloth, Only in the Jaina libraries the palm-leaf MSS. sometimes are kept in
small sacks of white cotton cloth, which again area fitted into small boxes of white matal.
The collections of MSS., which, frequently are catalogued, and occasionally, in monasteries
and in royal courts, are placed under librarians, generally are Preserved in boxes of wood
or cardboard. Only in Kashmir, whore in accordance with Muhammadan usage the MSS. are
bound in leather, they are put on shelves, like our books.

The ancient Indian name of a library, bharatibhandagara, “treasury of the goddess
of speech", occurs frequently in Jaina works ; more rarely the modern synonym, sarasvaii-
bhaydagara. Such Bhiindagaras were, and still are, found in the temples®®5, colleges
(vidya@matha), monasteries (matha, wpiéraya, vihdra, samghirama)®5*, at the courts _ of
princes and in the houses of many private individuals. The Purfiinas declare it to be the
sacred duty of the wealthy to make donations of books to temples and so forth™®7, Equally,
such donations are obligatory on the Jaina and Bauddha laymen, and the Prasastia of
the old MSS. prove that the obligation was fulfilled in the most liberal manner. A famous

119

royal library of the middle ages was that of king Bhoja of Dhara (11th century) ; on the
conquest of Mialva, about A.D. 1140, Biddharaja-Jayasimha transferred it to Anhilvad®®® ;
there it seems to have been amalgamated with the court library of tha Calukyas which
is repeatedly mentioned in works of the 18th century. The bharatibhapdagara of the
Qalukya Visaladeva or Viévamalla (A. D. 1242-1963) furnished, according to an unpublished
Pratasti, the copy of the Naigadhiya, on which Vidyadhara wrote the firat commentary
of the poem, and the MS. of the Kamasftra, according to which Yatodhara composed
his Jayamanjalalika®*®, One of the manuscripts of the Ramayapa in the library of the
University of Bonn has been derived from a copy of Visaladeyva's collection®®”,

The search for Sanskrit MSS., instituted by the Government of India, has show,
that there are still a good many royal libraries in India, and the catalogues of several,
such as those of Alwar, Bikaner, Jammu, Mysore, and Tanjore, has been published. The
documents, published in connection with the search, have brought to light also o
surprisingly large number of private libraries. And various notes in oldar Sanskrit works
make if apparent that considerable private libraries existed in early times. Thus, Bins
(about A. D. 620) tells us that he kept a particular reader (pustaka-vacaka), whose
manipulation of the MS, of the Viyupuriina he describes in his Harsacarita®®’, Burnell's
remarks®®*, regarding the bad treatment cf the MSS. by the Brahmans, do not hold good
for the whole of India, perhaps not even for the whole of Southern India. In Gujarat,
Rajputioa and the Maratha country, as well as in Northern and Central India, I have
geen, besides some ill-kept collections, very carefully preserved libraries in the poseezsion
of Brahmans and Jaina monks, The treatment of the books usually depends only upon
the worldly circumstances of the owner®®*.

B.—Copper-plates.

The way in which private individuals kept their copper-plate grants, seems to have
been very peculiar. In many places, eg., in the ruins of Valabhi, near the modern
Vala, they have been found immured in the walls or even in the foundations of the houses
of the owners. In many other eases [94] the grants have turned up in those fields to
the donation of which they refer, often hidden in small caches constructed of bricks.

The finders or poor owners often sell or pledge plates to the Viniis, and this
custom explains why they frequently come into the hands of Muropean collectors at great
distances {rom the places of issue. The originals of the grants, according to which the
plates were prepared, probably remained in the royal Daftar, the keeper of which, the
aksapatalika, is frequently mentioned*®*,

C.—The treatment of letters.

The Jatakas already mention the custom of wrapping up important letters in white
cloth and sealing the packet®®°. At present, official or ceremonial letters often are sent
in bags of silk or brocade, In the case of ordinary letters on palm-leaves, the proceeding
is simpler ; the leaves area folded, their ends are split and joined, and the whole is tied
up with a thread®®®, It is probable that letters on Bhiirja were treated similarly,

|

120

Accordiag to Bana"®’, the postal runner (dirgha@dhvaga, lekhaharaka) tied each eeparately
to a strip of cloth and wound this round his head.

§ $9.—_WRITERS, ENGRAVERS AND STONE-MASONS.

Though the oldest Indian alphabet is a creation of the Brahmanical schoolmen (see
above, page 33 ), and though the inatruction in writing has remained even in recent times
chiefly in the hands of Brahmans, there are yet indications that professional writers, and
perhaps even castes of professional writers, existed already at an early period. The oldest
name of these men is lekhaka, used in the Canon of the Southern Buddhists and the epics
(gea above, page 19). In the Saiici inscription, Stipa Tl, No. 149°°*, it ia clearly used to
designate the profession of the donor; it may, however, be doubted if it means, as I hava
translated it, “copyist of MSS.” or “writer, clerk.” In various later ingcriptions®®*, ekhaka
undoubtedly denotes the person who prepared the documents to be incised on copper or stone.
But in the present day a lekhak is always s man who copies MSS5., and this profession is
usually the resources of poor Brahmans, and sometimes of worn-out clerks (Kayasths, Karkiins).
Such men were, and are, employed also by the Jainas. But many Jaina MSS. have been
copied, as their PraSastis show, by monks or novices, and even by nuns. Similarly, we find,
among the copyists of the Bauddha MSS. from Nepal, Bhikgus, Vajriciryas and so forth®'®,

Another name of the professional writers, which was used already in the 4th cantury
B,C., is the word lipikara or Iibikara, discussed above, page 20. In the Kosas °*? it ig
given as a synonym of lekhaka, and in the Vasavadatia"** it means ‘writer" in general. ASoka
uses it in the 14th rock edict as a designation of his clerks.. Similarly, Pada, who
copied the Siddapura edicts, calls himself lipikara, and in the Siifici inscription, Stipa I,
No. 49°73, the donor Subahita-Gotiputa takes the higher title rajalipikara, ‘'a wrtier of the
king”. In the earlier times, lipikara probably was an equivalent for clerk”.

In a number of Valabhi ingoriptions of the Tth and Sth centuries, the writer of tha
documents, who is usually “the minister for alliances and war” (sandhivigrahadhikrta),
receives the title divirapati or divirapali, and the simple word divera occurs even earlier
in o Central-Indian inscription of A.D. 521-22°"*. Divira or divira is the Persian debir,
““writer,” which probably became domesticated in Western India during the time of the
Gassanians, when [95] the trade and intercourse between Persia and India was greatly
developed. Divira appears also in the Rajatarangini, and in other Kashmirian works of the
1lth and 12th centuries. Ksemendra's Lokaprakaéa mentions even various sub-divisions,
gaitjadivira, “bazaar-writers,” grama-divira, “village-writers,” nagara-divira, ‘town-writers,”
and khavasadivira (?)°*.

The two works just mentioned, as wellas other contemporaneous ones, designate the
writers also by the term kayastha, which first occurs in the Yajiavalkya-Smrti 1, 335,
and even at present is common in Northern and Eastern India, The Kiayasthas, however,
form a strictly separate caste, which, though ‘according to the Brahmanical account it is
mixed_witk Sidra blood, yet claims a high rank®7®, and in reality frequently has possessed
a great political influence, In the inscriptions, the Kiyasthas occur since the 8th century,
firat in the Kanasva inscription of A, D. 738-39 from Rajputana®’’, -

121
Other designations of the writers in the inscriptions are karaya®’*, karanika*™® or
more rarely karayin®®®, Sasanika**! and dharmalekhin®°?, Karaya is perhaps only
synonym of kayastha®**, ag the law-hooks mention the Karanags as one of the mixed castes.
The other terms, among which karanika has to be rendered, according to Kielhorn, by
“writer of legal doouments (karava),’” appear to be merely official titles without any reference
to caste. The development of the Indian alphabets, and the invention of new forms of the
letters, no doubt ia dus partly to the Brahmans and the Jaina and Bauddha monks, but
much more to the professional writers and to the writer castes. The opinion, according
to which the modifications have been introduced by the stone-masons and the engravers: of
the ¢opper-plates, is lesa probable, because these persona were not suited for such work by
their education and their ocoupation®**.

As the remarks at the end of many inscriptions show, if was customary to
make over a PraSasti or Kavya; which waa to be incised on stone, to a profeasional
writer, who-prepared a fair copy, and to set the mason (sttiradh@ra, filakfila, rilpakara,
silpin) to work according to the latter®®*. This custom was observed also in a case
which fell ucder my pergonal observation. The mason received a sheet with the fair
copy of the document (the Prasasti of a fempla) exactly of the siza of a stone on
which it was to be incised. He firat drew the letters on the stone under the super-
vision of a Pandit, and then incised them. In some exceptional cases, the authors of
the poems assert that they have done the work af the masona”®", and in othera the
masons say that they have made the fair copies of the inscriptions®®’, |

The statements regarding the preparation of the copper-plate Sisanas are less
accurate and explicit, Usually, the insoriptions mention only the person who drew
up or wrote the document. And they mostly name as such either a high official
(amatya, sdndhivigrahika, rahasika) or a general (senapati, baladhikria), Occasionally,
they assert that the drafting was done by a siome-mason, & sfitradhara"®*® or tvagta**?,
who, however, in reality merely engraved the grant. According to Kalbana°®’®, the
Kashmirian kings kept a special official for this work; he bore thae~ title paf{o-
padhyaya, “the teacher (charged with the preparation) of title-deeds,” and belonged
to the aksapatala office, which Stein believes to be the Accountant-General's Office,
while I take it to be the Record-Office or Court of Rolls (Daftar).

Tho Sdsanas pame only rarely, and in late times, the person by whom the plates were
engraved (uikhirna, unmilita). The engravere mentioned are various artizans, a pilalakdra,
lohakara or ayaskara®®!, i. @., the Kansir or copperemith of the present day, a s@tradhara®®*,
“etone-mason,” a hemakdra or sunara®®* (probably equivalent to sonara), “goldsmith,” a
filpin'®* or vijianika’"*, “an artisan.” In the Kalinga Siisanas, we find in their stead an
aksadalin, a@bsaéalika, akhasalin, or akhasale®®*®, whereby a member of the goldsmith
caste, pow called Aksiile®®’, ia meant.

Finally, the existence of manuals for clerks and writers must be mentioned. Wa
still possess several works of this kind, among which the Lekhapaticasika gives the rules
for drafting not only private letters, but also land-grants and the treaties between kings, while

16

123

a section of Ksemendra-Vyiisadiea's Lokaprakaga shows how the various kinds of bonds,
bills of exchange (Awnedi) and"so forth ought to be done™®5,

CONCLUDING REMARKS

[96] Dr. W. Cartellieri, whose name appears at the bottom of the Plates, is
responsible for the drawing and tracing of the letters for which no cuttings from facsimiles
were available, as well as for the arrangement and tha retouche of the cuttings, except in
the case of plates VII-IX, which were finished by a young lithographer, Mr, Bohm, I have
also to acknowledge Dr. Cartellieri’s assistance in the selection of the signs, which in
& few cases he hag made independently, and in others has been influenced by a revision
of my proposals; and I have to thank him for various ingenious remarks on the Indian
alphabets, as well as for a collection of the variants in the ASoka edicts.
, If I have been able to illustrate most of the Indian alphabets by cuttings from
facsimiles, inated of by hand-drawn signs, I owe this chiefly to my friend Dr. J. Burgess,
who during many years has kindly furnished me with separate copies of his excellent reproduc-
tions of Indian inscriptions. Some other donorg of facsimiles or photographers, Dr. E,
Hultzsch, Professor E. Leumann, and Dr. 8. von Oldenberg, have already been mentioned
in the notes,

ABBREVIATIONS

ARB (or) As. Resa. * Asiatic "Researches.

B. ASESI
B, ASRWI
B. ESIP
B. 15
BOR

Ep. Oarn.
E. TSA

F. GI (OIL. 8)

J. ASB

J. BBRAS
7. RAS

L. TA

M. Bb

M. M. HASD
M. MM. BY

P. TA

SBE

5B. WA
SIt

8. IP

5. NEI

W. AA

W. Ind. Str.
W. IS
WZEM

ZDMG

Burgess, Archaeological Surrey Reports, Southern India.
Burgess, Archaeological Survey Reporia, Western India.
Burnell, Elements of Sowth-Indian" Palecgraphy, Ind, od.
Biibler, Indian Studies.

Babylonian and Oriental Records.

Béthlingk and Roth, Sanshkri- Wirterbuch.

Bothlingk, Sanskrit.Worterbuch in kiirserer Fassung.
Cunningham, Archaeological Survey Reports.
Cunningham, Coins of Ancient India.

Cunningham, Coins of the Indo-Scythians.

Cunningham, Coins of Mediaral India.

Cunningham, Inscriptions of Agoka, (Corpus Inecrip-
Honmwm Indicarum, Vol. I).

Cunningham, Mohatodhi-Gaya ; i.e, Mahabodthi or the
Great Buddhist Temple under the Bodhi Tree at Buddha-
Gaya.

Denkechrifien der Wiener Akademie.

Epigraphia Indica.

Epigraphia Carnatica, od. Rice.

Enting, Tabula Seripturae Aramaicae.

Fleet, Gupia Inscriptions, (Corpus Inscriptionum
Indicarwm Vo! ITI).

Indian Antiquary.

Inscriptions de Piyadasi, Senart.

The Jalaka, ed. Fausboll.

Journal Amalique.

Journal, dmericen Oriental Sociely.

Journal, Asialic Sociely of Bengal.

Journal, Bombay Branch of the Royal dsialtc Socicty,
Journal, Royal Asiatic Soctely,

Lassen, Indische Aliertumakunde, Ind. od.

Max Muller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature.
Max Muller Rgreda-Samhifa with Sayana'’s Commen-
lary, Ind. ed.

Prinsep's Indian Antiquities, ed. Thomas.

Sacred Books of the East.

South-Indian Fnecrip(ions, ed. Hultzsch.

Benart, Fnscripliona de Piyadasi'.

Sonart, Noles d, Epigraphie Indienne.

H. H. Wilson, Ariana Antiqua,

Weber, Indische Sireifen.

Weber, Indischa Studien.

Winner Zeilschrift fiir dia Kunde des Morgeniandas, i.e.,
Zeitechrift der Deulscken Morgenldindiechen Gesse!-

124

FOOTNOTES

To

Bubler's Indian Paleography

1. B. IS. TIT. 2, 98-85; of. Anecdofa Oxon, Aryan

Series, I, 8,67; B. ESIP. 6; A. Ludwig, Faranini ;
Sits. Ber, Bim. Ges. d. Wiss, 1898, 1X., and the works
quoted by Dr. Burnell.

9. SBE. 98, 56,

8. BBE. 78,604.

4. Styuki 1,77 (Beal),

5. W. IS. 16,990,899,

6. TA. 6,366, Pi.

i. Moor, Hinds Pantheon, PL 8,4; AR. 1,248.

7

8. BOR. 1,69.

9. Sonsk, text, 148 (Bibl. Ind.), and the Chinese
translation of A. D, 803,

10. India 1,171 (fachan). |

ll. foc. cil, ; a third list, with about 80 mostly very |
corrupt names, in the Mahkirads 1, 185 (Senart),

12. BOR. 1, &.

18, Cf. W2EM. 9,66, and B. 18. 117, 2,118 f.

14. ET. 9,538, ff.

16. Mah#hhasya 9,230 (Kielhorn).

16. Ho-odotus, VII, 65,66.

17. EB. V. Head, Cal. of Greek Coins :
p. X2CKXT. f., pp. 25-97.

18. W. 1S. 16,¢81.

19. Sansk. Text (Bibl. Ind.) 145 ; Lewmann, 197.

20. 3B. IS. 11, 2,80,

21. Siyuki 1,78 (Beal) ,
lervis Bouddhiques 1,79, and note,

22. Siyuki 1,77.

35. B. 18. IVI, 2,81.

24. B. 1S. ITT, 2,5,

25. B18. IIT, 9, &. ;
9,1,1008 ff.; B.ESIP. 1, ff. ;
B,645f.

Attica,

M. M. HASL. 497 ff. ; IL. TA.
Weber, Jn.

SBE. 14, xvii ff.
M. M. RV. 4. 72.
M. M. HASL 521 Mf; Goldsticker, Mianara
14 ff.; W. 15. 516%. ; MM,

28,
Kalpa Silire, Intr.
AV. &. 72 ff.

29. Whitney, Or, and Ling. Si. 62, J.A06. 6,568 ;
Benfey, 2DMG. 11,847; Bithlingk. Bull. Pal, Akad.
1859, B47 ;

Bk. Julien, Mémoires dea |

Streifen

Pischel and Goldner, Vedische Studion, 1,

60. Gee below, § 65.

81. Jacohi, Das Ram. 8 ff.

82. Kirstein B. IS. I. 97 i,

BS. See Relow under B.

Bi. B.S. IIT, 2, 7-16; Oldenberg, SBE, 18, xxrxii

Hf. ; D’ Alwis, Introd. to Kacedyana's Gram! xxvi £., ox?

f., 72-108 ; Weber, Ind. Streifen 2,887 ff,
85. B. 18. II, 9,7 £.
B. IS. ITI, 2, Sf., 120.
B. 15, TILT, 9, 10, 18,
B. I8. TI, 2, 108.
BY 2B. I5. ITT, 2, 10, 120.
B. 15. IIT, 2, 120.
Hi. 18. TIT, 9, 16.
42, 3B. 18. IIT, 9, 1844,
48. Sansk. Taxt, 148 ; (cf. BOR. 1, 69.)
44. India 1, 162 (Bachan).
45. Sixth Oriental Congress B, 2, 154.
46. B. 18, IT, 2, 16 ff; Oldenberg, Vinayapitaka
1, xxxiv ff,; M. Miller, SBE, 10, xxix if.
47. Cunningham, Bhila Topes, p. £49, pl. 80, 6.
48. B. IS, IU, 91f.; Westergaard, Zwei Abhandl, 88,
49. Strabo, XV, 717.
50, Hist. dlex. VII, 9; ef. OC. Miller, Fragm, Hist,

| Grase, 2, 421,

51. ©. Midler, op. cid, 480,

62. Frag. 27 ; 0. Miller, op. cif., 421 ; Schwanbeck,
Megasthenes, p. 60,n. 48; M: M. HASL. 515, B. ESIP.
1, L, IA. TI, 9, 724; Weber, Ind, Siizzen 181 f,

58. 3B. IS, ITT, 9, 65-58,

4. B. ASKEW I. No. 10, 89, plate,

oo. ©. MG. pl. 10, 2,

See below § 16, 0.

Bee below, § 16, B.

Bee below, €4 A.

59. See below § 16, 0,

60. See below § 16, 0.

61. See below § 16, D.

B. ASRSI. 1, 115.

68. G. OAT, pl. 11, 18, and plate If, col. I, of this

“work,

G4. Tf according to 0. CMT, 97, as Mr. A. V. Smith

XXIII, XXVI; J, Diblmann, Das Mahabh. 185 , against Points out to me, some coins of Mihirakula show ingcrip-

these views, Mf. M. AV. 4. loc. cid. ; Letter in Takakosn's
trans. of Itsing, X fi. I W. IS. 6, foc. cid.

tions running from the right to the left, this peculiarity
‘ Inust be ascribed to Bagsanian influence,

65. Pile, cols, XUI—Xv.

66, ©. CAT. 88 f.

67. O. OAT, pl 2, &.

63. W2KM. 9,65; B..I8, IIT, 9, 118,

69. Boo below § 8

70, See below § 9, B, 4.

71. B.I8, UI, 9, 58-62.

72. EH. N. Cust, Long. and Or, Essays, 2nd. Ber,,

78. ©. 1A (CIT. 1), 62 ff.

7, ZDMG, 10, 850 tf. ; Ind. Shiszen 125 ff.

75. ADMG. 81, 598 if

76. The Alphabel, 9, S14 H.; restated with some
modifications by F. Miller Mélanges Harigs 219 fi.

77. JA. 1885, 265 ff. ; Réevwe Sem. 1895, 226 ti.

7& Mordtmann and D. H. Miiller, Sab, Denlemitier |
lin DWA, Phil, Hist, Cl. 81), p. 18 t.

79. D.H. Miiller, Denkmdler aus Arabien (DWA. |
Phil. Hist. Cl. 87), p. 154i.

£0. Cf. Beruni's India, 1, 172 (Sachen).

Sl. AR. 2, plate at p. 400

82, M.M. HASL. 5065 ff.

BS. See below, § 24, B. 8: pl. 1V, 80, X11, XIV;
pl. VII, ATT, AX, XI.

4. B. 18. 10,3, 68-91,

65. According to Banley, Indien 254, tho Semitic
alphabet came to India from Phoenicia; asecoring to
A. Weber, Ind. Sitzren 187, either from Phoenicia or
from Babylonia.

66. No. 889, Fanstdll, 8, 125; cf..alzo Fick, Dis
Sociale Gliederung in mordiist!. Indien, 178.4.

87. SBE. 2, 225, 14, 146, £00, 217; cf. Manu 8, 158;
6, 157, 406, and Dablmann, Das Mahabharata, 176 ff.

63. B. 18. III, 2, 16H.

Bo. FV. 1.116. 6; cf. Oldenberg, Vodisehe Religion,

00. Oldenberg, op. cit. 276.

91. J. ASB. G7, 41 f,

G2. Ci. Westergaard, Zicei dbhandiangen BT Hf.

OF. RV. 7.108. 5; of. M. M, HAS. 506.

dt. of. Wackernagel, Alfind. Grammalik.1, lvii.

05. Regarding the name, see $1 atove, and B. 18,
Itt, 9, 718 f,

og. P. IA. 1, 178-185; 2, 196-148, W.AA, 242 ff. ; |

J. ASB. 28, 714; ©. ASE 1, viii; Centenary Review
9, (9-51. 0. CIS, 8 H.; Senart, IP, 1,22 ff. ; ZDMG.
48, 129 ff.

97. See the next paragraph. |

9s. B. IS. Til, 2, 47-58; 0. ASR. 2, 82 ff., pl. 69,68,
5, 1 #f., pl. 16, 28 ; W.AA, 664 ; G. OAL. 81 ff.

125

09. B IS. ILI, 2, loc. cit. , The question of the lower
limit of the use of the Kharosthi is difficult on account

of the uncertainty regarding the dato of Kanigka and his

two successors, all of whom 5. Livi oow places in the
Ist, Cent. A D. (JA, 1697, 1, 1 ff.). The limit given sbove
is based on the acsumption that Kaniske's dates refer to

the Saka era or to the 4th. Cent. of the Seloncidan erm.

The Alphabel, 9

L still make wee of it, not because I consider it to be
unasenilable, but for the reasons stated in WZEML, 1, 169.
The letters in the inscriptions of Samvat 200 and 376
or 286 (Hashtnagar image) look more ancient than those
of the Kusina inscriptions. According to s communica-
tion from Dr. Th. Bloch, Prof. Hoernle has read dates
of the dth. century of the same unkoown Samvat on
recently found Gandhira sculptures.

100, W.AA. pl 8 at p. 54, No. 11; similar twists
| have been found in other Stupae, soo op, cil. 60, B4, HL,
105; bat the fragments in the British Museum said to

| belong to them, show no letters.

101. See Oldenberg,. Predvariieinaa samjelkao

| Buddhitakot rukopin, wapiawrnd pienenami Kharogthi,

t. Petersburg, 1897, ond Senart, Acad.
BComples rendu, 1297, 251 ff.

102. TA. 10, 825, —

108, W.AA. 111,

104. B. 15. TI, 9, 97 £.

105. B. 18. 11, 2, 92 L.

106. BP. TA. 2, 144 ff. ; regarding Kherogih! legends

dea IJngers,

on late coins running {rom eft to right, seo Proc. J. ASB.

1695, 83 1.

107. 1. Taylor, The Alphade!, 2, 261 f. ; CG. Cai. 88.

108. J. RAS. 1895, 665 ff.

109. Clermont-Gannean, Reva Archdolegquyud,
1878-79 ; Ph. Borger, Hist. de 1 "Boril. dans | *’Andiguidd,
1d, 218 ff.

110. Wober. Ind. Skissen, 144 f. ; E. Thomoa, P. TA.
2,146; C. CAT. 83; and below § 9,5, 4.

111. J. Halivy, JA. 1885, 9, 248-96/, believes that
Eharogthi to have boon derive] about B. C. 369 from 16
signs of the Papyri ond of a Cicilinn coin, and, Rema
Semitiqee, 1695, 872 #., from the seript of the Papyri
and of the ostraka from Egypt.

112. B. 18. ITI, 2, 99 ff. : cf. the more or Jess differ-
ing attempts of E. Thomas, P.JA.2, 147, I. Taylor,
. plate at p. 286 ff. ; J. Haliwy, JA. 1885,
2,952 IE., Revwe Sérmitique, 1895, 872 Ef.

ALB. Preparation of Plate 1 :—

1-57, Cols. I-V, and.88, 89, Cols, I-XiTI, traced by
Dr. Dedekind from Dr. Burgess’ impressions of the Atoka

126

edicts of Bhihbdizgarhi and Mansehrs, and reduced to

photography.

1-87, Cols. VI, VII, and 88, 69, Gol. XIV, drawn by
Dr. W. Cartellieri from P. Gardner's autotypes of Indo-
Grecian coins.

1-87, Cols, VIII, TX, and 22-26, Col, XITI, traced from |
Dr. Burgess’ impressions of the Mathura lion capital and |

the photograph of the Taxila oopper- plate of which ao
collotype has since then been published in El. 4, 56
(10 & 14, Col, VILI, and 25, Col. XITI).

1-87, Cols. X-XIT, and 61-87, Col. KIT, traced or
drawn according to Dr. Hoernle’s facsimile of the Bue
Bihar inscription, supplemented by some signs from the
Manikyilea stone and gelatine copies of the Wardak and
Bimiran vases by Oldenberg.

96-50, Col. XTI{ drawn according to P. Gardner's
autotypes of the older Kugina coins.

1-20, Cola. XTTT, XIV, numerals drawn according to
the impressions anc facsimiles of the Atoka edicts and
later inscriptions.

Older tables of the Eharogth! alphabet in P. 18. 2, 166,
pl.11,; W. AA. 269, G. IA (CII. 1), pl. 97; P. Gardner,

Cal. I. C. Br. Mus. p. bx. £ ; Von Sallet, Nachfolger |

Alex. d. Gr. (end) ; G. H. Ojha, The Ind. Pal. pl. 96.
114. Other facsimiles of Eharogthi inscriptions :-—
(1) Aéoka edicts in J. RAS. 1850, 158; G. IA (CII. 1),
pl. 1,92; 0. ABR. 6, pl. 5; & IP. 1 (end) ; TA. 10, 107 :
(2) Later inscriptions in P. IA. 1, 96 (pl. 6), 144 (pl. 9)
162 (pl 18); W. AA. 54 (pl. 2), 962, 0. ASR. 2,124,
(pl. £9), 160 (1. 68), 6, (pl. 16), 28, J. RAS. 1868, 999
(pl. 8), 235 (pl. 4), 250 (pl. 9), 256 (pl. 10), and 1677,
144, J. ASB. 28, 57; B1, 176, 589, 89,65, IA. 18, 287,
5. NEI. Nos. 8 (JA. 1890, 1, pl. 1, No. 9) and 5 (JA. 1894,
II, pl 5, Mos. 84, 86): oll useless except the last throe.
115, CL. ZDMG. 45, 125 ff, 274 HH.

116. O. Franke, Nackr. Goll. Gea. d. Wiss., 1895, |

540, and 2DMG. 50, 608, proposes to read fa and fi for
the signs which I read spa and «pi,
117. The MS. of the Dhammapada shows this same

(fem) and in afma (aiman), and thus further confirms
the explanation proposed.

118. Regarding the characters on the Indo-Grocian
coins, se WZEM. &, 196 f.; regarding the seript of the
Saka and Kujina inscriptions, see J, RAS. 1868, 28°, pl.
4 (where, however, in I. 1 the second ch must be deleted,

in 1. 2 sa must be substituted for si, apd tha for tf and |

in 1. 8 rya for rs, and the signs for sy in 1. 4 are doubt-
ful), and O. Franke, ZDMG. 50, 609 if.

119. O. Franke, op. cif., 604, proposes to read this

| fea; bot of. 85, ATT, which can be only sya.

190, ©. ASR. 1, XII.
121, OC. ABR. 1, VITI-XI; J. ASB. 6, 460 ff.
122, J. ASB. 6, 238; P. IA. 2, 40 ‘pl. 89).
B. IS. I. 9, 81.
. G. IA (OIL. 1), pl. 97.
125. B. IP. 1, 86.
1m, J. ABB. 56, 74.
127, EI. 9, 868.
178. J. BBRAS. 10 xxiii.
129. See above § 9, B (end).
180. 3B. 18. IID. 2, 40-48,
181. See nbove § 7.
182. According to an impression and o photograph
kindly sent by Mr. L. Rice.
155. B. ASRWT, 4, pl. 45 and 52; 6, pl. 61.
184. EL. 2, 242, B. ASRWI., 4, pl. 52 and 64.
135. EL. 1, 871 ff. ; 2, 195 ff
156. B. ASRWI. 3, pl. 14, 6, pl. 61.
157. 3B. 18, I, 2, 48, note 8.
188. ©. TA (CII. 1), pl. 14.
189. ©, TA (CII. 1) pl. 16.
140, 5B, ABRSI. 1, 128, note 45, 129, note 88.
141, 5. IP. 1, 88 ff : B. ESTP. 9. note 1.
142. Preparation of the Plates :

PLATE II

Col. I. ; drawn sccording to a cast of the Eran ooin ;
ef. 0. CAL pl. II, No. 18; A from Patni seal, 0. ASR.
15, pl. 2.

Cols II, IIL: cuttings from facsimile of Kills], EI,
2, 447 ff,

Cols. IV, Vi: cuttings from facsimile of Delhi-Sivillik,
ITA, 18, B06 ff.

Cols. VI, VIL: cuttings from facsimiles of Jongada.
EB. ASRSI. 1, pl. 67, 68, 69; 20, VI, from Radhio, EI.

as a 2, 245 %.; and 44, VIT, drawn oc ah ee) A?
sign both in the terminations of the absolutives in ica | | wn according to impression

of Sahearim.

Cols. VITI-X: cuttings from facsimiles of Girnir,
EL. 2, 447 ff. ; 84, ra, betwoon VII, VIL, from Riipnith,
IA, 6, 156. |

Cols. XT, XII: outtings from facsimiles of Siddipura,
El. 8, 164 ff. ; 44, XU, drawn according to impression

of Bairit, Mo. I; 45, Al, according to facsimile of

Bharabut, 2DMG. 40. 58 ff,
Cols. XIII-XY :

, cultings from facsimiles in BI.
2, 628 ff. j

127
Col. XVI: traced from the facsimile in J.ASB, 65, 149. Proc, ASB. May-June ,1894, pl. 1.
TT, pl. ba, 150. P. Gardner, Cat., of Ind. Coins Hr. Mus., ple 8,4.
Col. XVIT +: enttings from facsimile in IA. 20, 861 ff. 161. Phin ZDMG. 40, 58 ff. ; EI. 2, 866 (facsimiles

Col. XVIII: traced from the facsimile in IA. 14, 189; | of Stupa I, Nos. 988, B77, 878).
6 from facsimile of Bharahut, No, 96, ZDMG.40,59,/) 162. Of. plate in Sixth Oriental Congr.ss,8, 2, 143.

and £1 from impression of Siticl Stupa I, No. 199. 168, IA. 9, 191.
Col. XIX : cuttings from facsimile in EI. 2, 240 ff. iM. Of. 0.CAL pl4, Noa. $8.16; pl. &; pla, Fo.
Gol. XX: cultings from facsimiles in EI. 1, 696, | 2 ff; pl9,Nog.1-5:0. Mo. pl. 10, Nod, B.ASRWI.
No. 88, and EI. 2, 195, No. 1. 4,pl44, Bhijai Nos, 1-6, Kondiine.

Cols. XXI, XXI1: drawn according to Cunningham's 155. B.ASRWI. 4, pl.44, Pitalkhori, Nos, 1-7; pl.
Photographs of the HithigumphA inscription of | 51, Niisik, No.1.

Ehiravela, 166. Of. B18. ITT,249ff,
Cola. XXIII, XXIV: outtings from facsimiles in 167. E.Miiller, dnc. Ingers. from Ceylon, pl. 1.
B. ASX WI. 5, pl. 51, Nos. 1, 2. 158. Of. M. De Zilva Wickramasinghs in J.RaA8S.
| 1895, 895 ff,
PLATE Ill 169. LIA. 11,2, 257 #.

Cols. I, IT: cuttings from facsimiles in EI. 2, 199,| 100. Von. Sallet, Nachjolger Alex, d. Gr, 31; P.
Nos. 2 & 5, and Cunningham's photograph of the ora | @®*dner, Cat. of Ind. Coins Br. Mus., XXVI.
well inseription ; ef C. ASR. 90, pl. 5, No. 4. | 161. Of BIS, ILL, 2, 86m.
Cols. TTT, Vi: cuttings from facsimiles of dated 162. The bracketed Arable figures of sction C corres-
Kugiina inseriptions in EI. 1, 871 #£., and 2, 195 ff. sp:nd with those of plate II ; for § 16, C to E, cf. also B.
Col. VI: drawn according to facsimile in B. ASRWI. | IS. TTI, 2, 58 ff,
oct | 168. 0. Franke Gurupu jakaumudi 26, thinks that
Cols. VII-XVI: cuttings from facsimiles in B. these groups should be read fai, fst, as they aro written.
ASRWI. 4, pl. 51, No. 19; pl. 69, Nos. 5,9,10,18,19, | 164. Sith Oriental Congress, 8,2,149 ; cf. Ostreichiesche
pl. 68, Nos. 18, 14; pl. 65, No. 22, pl. 48, No.8; and | Afonatssehr fiir d. Or., 1884,281 ff.

tracings for Col. XV, from pl. 45, Nos. 5, 6, 11. | 165. Sixth Oriental Congress, 8,2,146; difforently
Cola, XVII, XVIII: cuttings from facsimiles in B, Bbindirkar, Karly Hist. of the Dekkan, 2,84, who assigns
ASRWT. 1, pl. 62, 68. Sitakeni to the period B.C. 40 to A.D. 16.

Cols. XIX, XX: cuttings from facsimile in EL. 1, 1ff. 166. Cf. above § 16, { note 159 ).
The background of all the cuttings and indistinct 167. Sixth Oriental Congress, 82, 179, Udayagiri
strokes have been tonched up. | inscription Nos. 8,4.
Scale of Plate I1=0'5 of the cuttings, except 18,11, | 268. Buddhist Cave Tomples, 246.
and the signs in cols.. VI, VII, XXIII, XXIV, which | 169. See above, § 10.
have the samo size as in the facsimiles. Scale of | 170. Cf. also fnesimiles in CASK. 8, pl. 18, No.1,
Plate IIT=0 7. EL 1,892, Nol7,; O.CAI. pil.8, No. 14; pl6; pls,
148. Cf. the following trastworthy facsimiles of | 0.2 @.
Aéoka edicts not mentioned in Note 142 above :—B. 171, EL. 2, 201, No.12; 207, No.82; hollow wedges
ASRWI. 2, 98M, Girniir , IA. 18, 006 f, Allahnbad; TA, | *f¢ found alsoin the facsimiles in C.ASR. 10, pl. 98,
19, 129 #., Delhi-Mirat, Allahabad Queen's edict, “01; P.GI (C18), No.3.
Allahabad Kosiimbl edict; TA. 20, 864, Bardbar caves; 172. In o¢ninam, C.ASR. 20, pl. 5, line 2.
TA. 22, 299, Sabhsarim and Rupnith; EI 2, $45 ff. 178. TA. 10,218; O.CIS. 61 ff, 6&7; Bhiindarkar,
Mathid and Rimpurvd; El. 2, 866, Sifict,; JA. 1897, | “4r/y Hist. of Dekkan, 2.26, nota 1, thinks that Kaniska
I, 498; Bairah No 1; and the table of letters in B, | led Inter; but S. Livi J.A. 1897, I,6i%. places even
ASERWLI, 4, pl. 4. Vasudeva in the first century A.D. ; the years 4 and 5 af
id4. J. RAS. 1895, 865 (pl). this era occurs in ET. 2, 201, Nos. 11,12; Kaniyka, the
145. ©, CAT, pl. 2,8; pl. 8, No. 1; pl. 10, No. 20. year 7, EI. 1,891, No.19.
146, ©. MG, pl. 10, Noa. 2, 5. 174. See facsimile, ET. 9,869.
147. Facsimiles in El. 9, 866 ff. 176. Ct. my remarks, KI. 1,871 fl. - 2,107.
148. 0, ASH. 20, pl. 6. - | 196, Cf, the te of plate IE, 43, IIT,

128

177. EI.1, 859, No. 18.

178. Cf., for instance, nol, ET. 1, B82, No.8.

179, Bhandarkar, Early Hist,. of the Deklan, 2,
25, O.OMI. 8-5; Bhagvinlil, J.BAS. 1590, G42,
Bihbler, Die ind. Intchr, u.das. Alir. d..ind. Kunsipoene,
468.

160. 0,CMI.
B.ASRWL.4, pl.

151, Of. facsimiles in BASRWI. 2, pl 20; J.BBBAS.
8,201; Sanskr. and Pritky, Insers. Lhawnagar, pl.1t-15
(unreliable).

162. See the plate cited in note 180 above,

168. Usabhadiita only in Karle No. 1°, BABRWI. 4,
pl.6i,

184. Thus Bhindirkar, Early Hist. of tie Dekkan,
9,96, and Bhagvinlil, J.RAS, 1890, 642, see also Hiiblor,
Tig ind. Insckr. u. das. Aller der ind. Komslpoesie, 57 {. ;
while Cunningham CMT. 8f., refera Nabapiina’s dates to
the Malva ere of B.C. 57-66, and Oldenberg, LA. 10,997,
places Nahapiina between A.D. 55 and 100.

pl; J.RAS. 1890, pl. at p. 683,

183, Kiirle, Nos. 1-14, B.ASRWI. 4, pl. 47, 49: |

Niisik, No.4, op-.cil., pl. G1.
186. Seo the works quoted in note 1&4 above,

187. According to Bhagvinlil's estimate, J.RAS. |

189, 657, “somewhat later than Nahapdina”,

188. Of. faccimiles in B.AABRWL. Vol. 4, pl.45, Kuda
Nos, 19-18, pl. 46, Kuga Nos. 22-28; Mahid Nos. 1.4 ;
Fol Nos. 8,5; pld7, Bedai Nos. 1-8; plas, Earle Nos.
16-18, Ssilarvidi No.19; Junnar No.1, 2; pl. 49-d1,

Junnar Nos, 4-54; pl. 59, Nisik No. Ga; pl. S4, Junnar-

No. £2; Kiinle Fo. 20, pl. 55, Nasik Nos. 17-19, 21-24 ;
and vol. 5, pl. 61, Kanberi Nos. 2-5, 10, 12-14,

189. B.ASRSI. 1, pl. 56, 57; pl. 68, Nos, 25-84, 87,
pl. 59, Nos. 8%, 48; pl.G0, Nos, 44, 45, 47-50; pl. 61, Nos.

61-68, 56, 66, and the autotypes of the Andhra coins,

C.CAT. pl, 12, and J.BBRAS. 18, pls.

190. B.ASRSI. 1, pl. 58, Nos. 85, 86 ; pl. 59, Nos. 88,
40.42, pl.60, No46; pl. 61, No.5d ; pL62.

191. Of. facsimiles in IA. 9,100; EL. 1, 1f.

192. Preparation of Plates TV. ¥ and VI :—

Cutting from facsimiles.
Gols. I, IT, IIT: from F.GI (C18), pf.t.
Col. IV: from F.GI (CII.8), pl. 6.
Cols. V, VI: from F.GI (CII. 8), pl. 9,4.
Col. VIL: from F,GI (CI1.8). pl. 9, B.
Col. VIII +: from plate at EI- 1, 288,
Col. IX; from FGI. (CI.8), pl. 16.

Col, X: from F.GI (CII), pi. 22.

Cols. XT, XT: from F.GI (C118), pl. 90,8, and $1,
A,B.

Cols. XIII, XIV: from F.GI (CIA, pl. 41,A.

Cols. AV, AVI: {rom plate at ET. 1, 10,

Col. XVII: from pinte at TA. 9, 172, Nos. 7, 8, 9.

Cols. XVIII, XTX : from F. GI (CTT.4), pl. 28.

Ool. XX: from plate at TA, 18, 284,

Col. XXI: from plate at TA, 15, 112.

Col. XXII: from plate at TA. 11, 108,

Col: TIT: from plate at TA, 15, 140,

PLATE V

Col. I: from phololithograph of impressions of ET.
1, 97.

The other columns cut from facsimiles.

(Col. II: from plate at EI. 1, 160,

Col. TT : from plate ot ET. 1, 242.

Cal. TV: from plates at LA. 6, 65, ond 11, 15°.

Col. ¥.: from unpublished facsimiles of TA. 18, 14.

Gal. VI: from plate at TA, 17, 810.

Col. VIE: from unpublishedf acsimiles of FI. 1, 162.

Col. VIII: from plate at ET. 1, 77.

Col. IX:: from plate at EI. -2, 120.

Col. X: from plate at TA. 6, 50,

Col. XI : from plate at-LA. 6, 192.

Col. XII; from plate at TA, 13, 11,

Col. XITT: from plate at EI. 1, 24.

Col. XIV : from plate at IA. 16, 206,

Col, XV: trom plate at EL. 2, 207.

Col. XVI: from Bhaunagar Sankr.
Inscriptions, pls. 40, 41.

Col. XVIL; from plate ot TA. 16, 22.

Col, XVIII: from plate at EI. 1, 808.

Col. XIX : from plate at EI. 2, 850,

Col; XX: from plate at IA. 18, 180,

Col, XXII: from plate at TA, 11, 71, 887.

Col. MXIT: from plate.at LA, 16, 254.

Col. XXIII: from plate at EI, 1, 81,

and Priakr.

PLiET VI
Outtings from facaimiles.

Cols. I, II, HI, IV + from plates in Hoernle’s Bower
MS.. parts 1, 2,

Cols. ¥, VI, VIL. TX: trom Aneed. Orem, Ar. Ser..
1, Bi, pl. 6, cols. 1, q. 8.

Co!, VIII: from plate at Viena Oriental Congres,
Aryan Section, 127.

Col. IX: sea above with cols. V, VJ, and VII,

Col, X: from Bendall, Cat. Buddh. MSS., pl. % 4)
and Berlin Oriental Congress, Indian Section, pl. 2, 1.

Col. XII: from Berlin Oriental Congres, Indian
Section, pl. 2, 2, 8.

Col. XIII: from Bendall, op. oit., pl. 1. 8,

Col. XIV: from Aneed. Oron., dr. Series, 1, 1, pl. 4.

Cols. XV, XVI, XVI: from Leumann, photogr. olf
Decean College Collection, 1880-81, No. 67: 7, XV, MYL
14 and 16, XV; 18, XV, XVI, XVII; 19 and 28, XV,
XVI; #, XV: 27, XV, XVI ; 85, 87 and 41, XVI,
added from Leumann's Viseyarasyaka, pl. 85, 7, XVII,
and 8, 9, 10, XV, and 12, 14,16, XVI, added from photogr. |
of the Royal Asiatic Society's Ganarainamahodadhi.

’ Gols. XVIII, XIX: from plates at Vienna Oriental
Congres, dryan Seetion, 111 ff.

Seale of the three plates =two-thirds of the facelmiles.

196, ¥F. GI (OTT. 6), 8£., and passim.

194. J. ASB. 60, BO i; and IA. 41, 29 ff
195. Fragments of inscriptions with northern
ters of this period, from Valabhi, are preserved in the
Museums of Bombay (the Branch of the Royal Asiatic
Society) and Béjkot, Of. also the sign-manuals on the
Gurjara Iand-grants, J. RAS. 1565, 247 i.

19, B. ESIP. 58, and plate 22a; TA. 15, 161, 172,

197, I agree with Hoernle, who considers certain
portions of the new Godfrey Collection from Kashgar to
be older than the Bower MB. ,; J. ABB. 66, 258.

196. Kielhorn, Report on Sanskrif MSS., 1890-81,
1ff.; Peterson, Second Report, Appendix I, and Therd
Report, Appendix I.

199. J. RAS. 1895, 217. -

900, Of. B. ESTP. 20, 58 ff. ; Fleet in ET. 8, 2.

901, Cf Hoernle, J.ASB. 60, 81, who mentions fa —

alone, because his remarks refer also to the type discussed
below in § 28. :

909, SB. WA. 129, XI, 82 ff.

208. TA. 9, 168 f.:; in my opinion the ora is not, os
Fleet holds in Gupta Inscriptions (CII. 8), Introduction,
O5, 177 ff, that of A. D, 816-19, but one peculiar to the
Nepalese, the exact beginning of which has still to be

. 904, OMG. pl 25; the era may be that of the
Guptas.
- 905, IA, 18, 228. |

906. According to Fleet, IA. 19, 227 £., the kings of
Uccakalps probably dated according to the Cedi or
Ealacuri era of A. D. 49, '

207. EI. 2, 210,

Vv

Col. XI: from Bendall, op. cit., pl. 8, 1. |

129

908, J. ASB, 58, pl. 24; J. BAS, 1889, pl. 1-4, and
p. 84 ff, and 1899, pl. 2.

200. Haug, Wedischer Accent, 64.

910. Cf, facsimile in F. GI (CLL. 8), No, 61.

911. J, ASB, 60, 86 ff.

912. J. ASB. 60,9af, WZKM. 5,104 6, The disco-
very of an inscription of the 7th, century with mostly
tripartite ya, EI. 4, 29, makes a modification of Hoornle's
argumentation necessary, but doeg mot invalidate his
fins] result

218. <Anecd. Oron,, Aryan Series, 1, 8, 76.

Q14. Cf. also the facsimiles in F. GI (CLI. 8), Noa. 20,
24, 88, 84, 86, 87, 47, 51, 70. 75, and of the geal of
Kumirsgupte I, J. ASB, 58, 84,

915. Cif. also the facsimiles in F. GI (CI. 8), Nos,
72, 76, 78, Ta, 80,

216. See, eg.. Tod, Annals of Rajasthan, 1, 700 #f.,
Madras edition.

a7. F, GI (CII. 8}, 274.

918, India, 1,178 (Sachan).

219. Anecd. Oron., dr. Series, 1, 5, 64.

990. Of. also the facsimiles in LA. 9, 168 @, Nos.
4-10, 12, Bandall, Journey in Nepal, 72, Nos, 1,2, and

| Hoernle's remarks in J.ASB. 60,95. —

921, F.GI CI. 8), #1, 984, BI. 6, $23, note 1.

9297. J. ASB. 6, 778, pl. 41.

998. EI. 1, 76. Im confirmation of my explanation
of the phrase, Kuilanyakgaraini vidusa, “by him who
knows crooked letters’, i.e, letters difieult to read, I
would point to Vikraminkeacarita, 16, 42, where wo have
the statement that queen Siryamati did not allow herself
to be cheated, Aijyasthaih kufila-lipibhih, “by writers
using orcoked alphabets’.

204. Cf. his remarks on inscriptions of this class,
IA. 17, 808, 19, 55; 20, 198; 21, 169; EI. 1, 179;

9, 117, 160,

995, Of. for this and the preceding varieties, the

facsimiles at TA. 2, 258; 5, 180; 9, 174 i, Nos, 11, 18,
14, 15; 10, 81; 17, 810; 19. 68; Bendall Jourmay im
Nepal, pl. 10, 11, 18, EI. 1, 178; 4. 29, C.ASB. 17,
| pl. 9; and tho autotypes of coins in ©. CMI. pl. 8, Noa. -

T-14; pl. 6, No, 20, and pl. 7. |
926, According to Fleet, IA. 18, 281, “transitional

goon after developed". |
927. According to Flest, TA. 15, 106, ““North-Indian
Niigari’’. |
998, Of. TA, 17, 808. ‘

920, Bondall, Cat, Cambr. Buddh, MSS. from Nepal,
XLI M, ; Anec, Ozxon,, Ar, Series, 8, TL

= som

— a : =
CL. =" 2" ae - :
EE as oT _

130

280, 8. Lavi, JA. 1904, IT, 55
261, EI.1, 76; 14.6, 48.
282, IA, 6, 69; 11, 168, of.
8, 108, and IA. 14, 200, |
288. Of. also facsimile, IA, 16, 174, |
#84. The genuineness of the earlier Umeti and
Bagumril plates (IA. 7, 68; 17, 199) is disputed (IA. 18,
91 #.); thelr Nigart letters have ‘been ere
|

also facsimiles in al

Ozon,, Ar, Series, 1, 8, pl. 6.

285. See facsimiles, J. RAS. 1865, 247 ff : EI. 5,40;
TA. 6, 118 ; 18, 78 ; and the remarks in BB. WA. 186, 8, 3. |

986, IA. 11, 108. |

267, TA. 18, 285; 90, 491,

268. Cf., e.g., the Ambarnith inscription, J.BBRAS.
Oo, 219, 19, B84, IA. 19, 249,

239, LA. 16, 16 ff. |

240. Of. also the facsimiles, IA. 7, B04; 9, 82, 14, |
141; 17, 122, J.BBRAS. 18, 1, 16,
B00 f., BOG f.

241. Of. the facsimiles, ET. 8, 89 f., 152 ff. ; B. ESIP.

%42, B. ESTP. 62 (where the Nandiniigari is dorivea |
erroncomaly from the Siddhamitrki), and pl. 21. |
248. IA. 15, 140, |

244. Bee the faceimile. TA. 18, 64.

251.
252
256.

Anee, Oron., Aryan Series, 1, 8, 70.

Bee above § 38, p. 69.

Bee above § 16, D, 1, 2, and pl, IT, 2 T-x,
Communication by letter,

255, An exception is, e. g., the Thilripitan inscrip-
tion, TA. 5, 180, which showa throughout the old daggor-
shaped form.

EI, 9, 297, .

See above 419, B12.

J. ASH. 60, 87.

J. ASB. 60, 85,

Cf. the facsimile of the Jhilripdian inseription,
TA. 5, 180 ; Bee aleo TA. 18, 169,

261, This is the regular form since the 9th. century,

252, Anec. Oron, dr, Seriez, 1, 8, 87.

268. FF. GI (OI, 8), 202, Kielhorn, EI. 1, 179 £.

264, Cf. for this paragraph, Kashmir Report (J.
. 12), 81; J. ASB, 60, 88,

0. OMI. pl. 4, &.

266. Seventh Oriental Congress, Ar. Section, 186 ;
TA, 17, 88, 275.

367. 8H. WA. evii,

268. A good facsimile from a Sirada MS, of the same

265,

| Period is found in the Catalogue of the Ferlin Sanskrit

245. See above, § 21, note 192; of. also the facsimiles | Pr#krt MSS., Vol. 2, 8, pl. 2; an inferior one, from

st TA, 12, 250, 968 ; 16,902; EI. 1, 122; J.BBRAS. 18,

246. Boe above § 21, note 192; Cf. also the facsimiles
at TA. 6, 568, 4, 6, 40; 12, 196, 2 ; 15, 86; 16, 206 ;
16, 62; EY. 1, 216, 816+ 6, 60.

247. Gee above § 21, note 192; of., ¢.g., the facsimiles |
at IA. 11,72; 17, 296 , 16, 180,

248, Kiclhorn, Report on Sonakrit MSS. for 1880-81,
Pp vil, 67; J.RAS. 1805, 247, 504; of. aleo the facsi-
miles, Pal, Soc. Or. Sorte, pl. 1,2, 8, 68 : Cat. Berlin
Sansk. und Prakr, Hdockft., Band 2,8, pl.1. In the
marginal glosses of the Videvivatyaka and other MSS, |
frequently appear other cursive alphabets . see Leumann’s
edition, pl. Bd, |

249, Bendall, Cat. Buddh, Sanskrit MSS. from |
Nepit, pp. xxiv tu 11. ; of. also the facsimile, Pal. Soc.,
Or, Series, pl. 16, According to Oldenberg ( letter of Tth. |
April, 1897 ), the alphabet of these Nepalese MSS. is the
ao-called Lanji script, in which iw written a complete
MS. of the Saddharmapundarika, preserved in St.
Petersburg.

250, Of. for this paragraph, Bendall, Cat, Cambridge
Buddhist MSS, from Nepal, xilii-li; Anec, -Ozom,,
Aryan Series, I, 8, 78-87,

the India -Office MS, 8176, together with a table of the
letters and ligatures, in Pal. Soc,, Or, Ser, pl. 44.

269. SB. WA, oxvi, 584,

270. Kashmir Report (J.BBRAS. 12), 82; for the
alphsbet, see J.RAS. 1891, 862,

271. Bee above, § 24, 0, 8,

272, EL 1, 806 ¢,

278. EI, 9, B47.

274. Of. Bendall, who slightly differs in Caf, Sanskr.
Buddhist MSS, from’ Nepal, xxexvi, and letter-preaa of
Pal. Soc., Or., Series, pl, 81,

475. Both the triangle and the hook are found in the
Gaya inscription, LA. 10, 8492.

276. J.ABB. 41, pl. 1, 2,

a77. Cf the Gay inscriptions in C.ASR. 8, pl. 87,

No. 12 I rl. 58, No. 18.

278, See the Mahoba inscription, 0.ASR. 91, ph 2f,

479. Of. the facsimiles of Bengali MSS, in Pal, Boc.,
Or, Series, pl. 85, 62, 69, Eiljendralil Mitra, Notices of
Sanat ATSS., Vol. 8, pl. 6,6, Vols, 5&6, and the
proto-Bengili inscription, J.ASB, 48, 818, pl. 18 |

250. Beodall, Cat, Sanskr. Buddhist MSS. from
Nepal, xxti f, |

261. Op. cil,, xxxv, xxxvii,

959. Op. Cil., pl. 8,4; Berlin Oriental Congress, |

Indian Section, pL 2, 1.

988. Pal. Soc. Or. Series pl., 82; Berlin Oriental
Congress, Indian Section, pl. 2. 2, 8.

984. For facsimiles of MSS. with Nepalesa “hooked
charactore”, See Bendall, Cat. Sanskr, Buddhist MSS.
from Nepal, pl. 8; Fal. Soe., Or. Series, pl. 45, 57 ;
Cowell & Eggeling, Cat. Buddhist MSS. of the Rayal
Asiatic Society, J.RAS. 1876, 1 ff. ; for the alphabet,

see Bendall, op. cif., pl.4; J. Elatt. da COCO Cinakyae |

gemtentiis,

985. Cl. aleo Fleet's remarks cn ornamental] charac-
ters, TA. 15, Bid.

986. Serenth Oriental Congreas, Aryan Section, 111
ff. ; and Tenth Oriental Congres, Part Il, 161 ff.

287. Preparation of Plates VII and VIII :-—

PLATE VII
Cuflings from facsimiles
(al. I: from F.GI (Cir. 8), No. 5, pl.8B, with E
from No. 62, pl. 88, E.
Cols. IT & IIT: from F. GI (CH. 8), No.1, pl. 1.
Col. IV : from plate at TA. 7, 66.
Col. V : from plate at TA. 6,205 ; with Ay Ae U, gh, |

dhau, ha, kta, Ha, from plate at [A. 6, 9, and na from |

plate at TA. 7, 68.

Col. VI: from F, GI (CIT. 8), No. 86, pl. 24.

(Col. VIL: from F. GI (CII. 8). No. 89, pl. 25.

Col, VIIL: from plate at EI.9, 90, No.1; with J,
na, ba, fica, bra, lye, from No. 5, ab p. 22.

Col. IX: from plate at TA. 15, 75.

Col. X: from F.GI (CII. 8), No. 65, pl. 84, with
U and AU from No. 41, pl. 27, and [ from Ajanti No.
8, B. ABRWI. 4, pl. 57. |

Col. XI: from F. GI (CTI. 9), Mo. 56, pl. 85.

Col. XII: from plate at TA. 7, 85.

Col. XTIT: from plate at ITA. 7, 87 ; with J, fide, jye,

malt, A 5 faa uae a ER, OB

Col. XIV: from plate at 14. 10,58; with A, U, and |

echa from plates at TA, 7, 161, and Ei frem plate at TA.
6, 72, and [2 from plate at TA. 8, 44.

Col. XV : from plate at TA. 10, 104, Floot’s No. 94; _
with F (8, XV, 5), fige. 4, and li from Fleet's Nos. 99,

Sean OE hs 14, and lla tram. Fleet's No. 98,

Col. XVI: from plates at IA. 6, 24 ff.
Col. XVII : from plate ot IA. 18, 187.
Col. XVIII: from plates at IA. 8, 820.
Col. XIX : from plate at TA. 18, 128.

131

Col. XX: from plates at TA. 5, 50d.

Cal. XT: from plates at TA. 5, 154 @.

Col. XXII: from Hultzech's SI. 9, pl, 10.
Col. XXII : from Fultzsch's SII, 9, pl. 9.
Col. XXTV : from Holtzsch's SI, 9, pl. 11.

PLATE VIII

Cutlings from facsimiles,
Col. I: from plates at TA. 12, 169-4.
Col. IT : from plate at IA. 11, 126, Fleet's No. 128.
Col. TIT: from plates at TA. 12, 14.
Col. IV: from plates at TA. 18, 186 ff,
Col. V : from plates at TA, 7, 16.
Col. VI: from plates ot ITA. 14, 60 ff.
Col. VII: from plate at TA. 6, 166; with A, U, ca,

| and ffa from plate at TA. 9, 75.

Gol. VIL : from plates at TA. 11, 12.

Col. TX : from plate at ET. 8, 62,

Col. X: from plate at TA, 18, 275.

Gol. XT: from plate at TA. 15, 144.

Ool. XIT+ fram plate at ET. 8, 15,

Col. XTIT: from Hultzsch's SII. 2, pl. 18.

Col. XIV: from plate at EL 6, 76.

Col. XV: from plate at EL. 8, 14.

Col. EVI: from Hultesch's S11. 2, pl. 12.

Cols, XVU: XVIII: from Hultzsch’s SIL 2, pl. 4.
Cols. XIX, XX: from plate at EI. 8, 72, the lower

part,
Cols. XXI, XXII: from plate at El, 8, 79, the
upper part.
968. Cf. B. ESIP. 14,
a69, TA. 30, 266,
290, Bb. ESTP, 468.
291 Of. the facsimiles in F. GI({ CI. 8), Mos. 6, 14,

and 62, plates 8 B, 8, 85 B, and Fleet's remarks.

292. Of. the facsimiles fn F. GI (CI, 3‘, Nos. 8s,
69, plates 24, 25; 14. 1,17, 6, 24 ; 6,148. ; 7, 66m. ;
8, 802; 9, 989, 14,825, J. BBRAS. 11, 363; El. 8, 820.

908, Cf. the facsimiles at J. HAS, 1865, 247; TA. 18,
(18; (7,62; 13, 116 ; 17, 200, disputed ) ; EI. 2, 19m.

204, Cf. the facsimiles at EI. 8, 62; TA. 7, 164;
8, 46; 9,194; J. BBRAS, 16, 1; Seventh Oriental
Congress, Ar, Section, 288 ; IA. 19, 810.

q05. Cf. the facsimiles at B. ABR WI. No. 10, 58.

205. Of. the facsimile at LA. 16, 93,

297. Of. the facsimiles at IA. 13, Erigh J. BBRAS.
16, 105 ; EI. 8, 66.

208, Of. the i hceiiied oh EAA ROO,
pl 58, § and 9; plates 59,60; Vol. 5, pl. 61, 6 9-

199

209. Of. the facsimiles in F, GI (OIL. 8), No. 6, 17, 61,
plates 4 A, 10, 89°A.

B00. Of. above § 21 end.

801. Cf, for instance,
7, 72

B02. ‘Transitional
insoriptiona.

808. Of. facsimile at TA. 9, 124.

Bd. Cf. TA. 6, 10, and fnesimile at 14, 828.

B05. Cf, facsimile at J; ASB. 64, 1, plate 9, No. 2.

forms ocour in the Calukys

likkvam, facsimile ot IA, |

B25. Of. the facsimiles at TA. 10, 614%, 104, 166,

170; 11,136 ; 20, 70; Ep. Carn, 8, 80, 87,
| 99 (for the last of these See alao EI. 6, 64).

826. See the facsimile at TA, 14, 200,
627. Of. the facsimiles sf IA. 12, 92, 18, 214, 248,

| EL, 8,194.

626. TBI. 8,169 f.

829. ET. 8,168.

880, Burgess and Fleet, Pili, Sanskrit. and Old-
Canarese inscriptions, Nog. 371; 214; see also for the

B06. Seo aleo my remarks in IA, 6, 110, ond below, | Ganga record, IA. 6,102.

$28, B.

807, F. GI(CIL.8!, Nos: 2, 8, pl. 2, A, B.

B05. Op. cif., Nos. 40, 41, plates 26, 37.

809. (Op. cil., Nos. 69-56, plates 95, A, to 35; [T4. 13,
799 ; B. ASRWI. 4, pl 66, No.4; pl. 57, No. 8; EI.: 8,
960 ; the earliestof them belong in Bhagviinli] Indriji's
and my opinion to the Gth., according to Pleet to the 7th.,
century

610, F.GI (CT. 8),
Fleet from the §th. or 9th. century; according to
Eielhorn, EL. 4, 256, undoubtedly from the Sth.

Bll. See Fleet, 1A. 21, 98; of the some type is,
according to an impression presented to me by L.- Rice,
the Tilgund (Sthinakundura) Praéasti of Kubja from the
reign of SAntivarman, Ep. Carn. 7, Sk, 176 (and EL. 8).

619. Bergsigne-Barth, Inscripfions Sanskrit du
Campa ef du Cambodge, 2, 28; the Campa inscriptions
show the northern ka and ra without curves at the end,

$18. Filect and Eielhorn sseume that the writera by
mistake put na for fa and vice versa.

S14. Of. facsimiles of Salaikiyansa inscriptions at
B.ESIP. pl. 24; IA 6,176; ED 4,144; at Kadamba

inseriptions at TA. 6, 25f. ; 7, 89. ; J. BBRAS, 12,800, |.

of Western Calukya inscriptions at IA, 6, 79,75; 8, 44,
aT ; 9, 100; 10,58; 10, 68, and of Eastern Calukya
inscriptions at B. ESIP. pl. 27.

815. B. ESIP. 16, pl. 1.

616. Fleet, LA. 20, M4.

817, deademy, 1805, 229.

818.. See Fleet's dates of the Calukyas, EI. 8, table
at p 2, IA. 20, 96 ff.

619. 5B. ESIP. pl. i.

620. Cf, also the facsimile ot IA, 6, 72, and B.ESIP.
pl. 27.

a1, IA. 6, 72.

692. IA. 8, 44. :

628. Bee the plates at IA. 6, 241, ET. 6,6.

824. Cf, the facsimiles at IA. 6, 86, 88, 7, 800; |

J. BBRAS, 16, 228 ff.

No. $1, pl. 46; scoording to |

BR1,. Of. also tha facsimiles at TA. 9, 74; 1h, 56;
EI, 8, 26, 63, 14, 225; Ep. Carn. 6, 116, 121; B.
ASRWT. No. 10, 100, and J. RAS. 1891, 185 (the original
of Prinsep'’s Kistna alphabet, which is archaic and
retrograde: A, ka, ra, Ia).

TA. 8, 341 ; EI. 6,6.

Cf. this paragraph B. ESIP. 15 ff.

. JA. 16,274; 16,188,

» EL 6,198,

TA. 18, 120; Cf. 16,181 f.

EL. 8,182.

The words #ita-draya probably hava — left
out ‘by misteke after samvatsara,

BS9. IA. 14, 10 1. ; Hultesch's undivabtedly correct
reading of the date has been adopted by Fleet in his
Dynasties of the Eanarese Disiricls, Bombay Gasetteer,
Vol. I, Part II, p. 297, note §, the printed sheets of which

ci

| I owe to the author's courtesy. Fleet declares this

inscription, ag well as those represented in plate VIII,
Cols. X, XII to be ae ee

Fufficient reasons.
B40, EL 6, 230.

B41, Ths use of northern cbarsoters is. proved by the
Buguda plates, EI. 8, 41; cf. also B.ESIP. 88, and
plate 22 b,

B42. TA. 6, 60, 154; of. BESIP. 66, note 2.

648. IT owe the facsimiles of this inscription and of
thoes used for pl. VII, Gol. XXIV, and pl. VIII, Col
XII to Hultesch’s kindness ; seo now his SII, 2, part 5.
B44. IA. 9, 100, No. Sa AE, Noe Sy 38, 2S
1, 597.

B45. Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, tt

| Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, p. 928.

S46. Hultzsch, SID. 1, 144 #, ; Fleet op. sie peelation
note), 822 f. }

S47. Fleet, op. cif., 529 f. col

B45. Fleet, op. cit., 828 ff.

B49. EL. 8, Th. |

B50, EI. 8, 8. apa

851. Of, facsimiles at IA. 6,142, 8,974; 9, 46 (EI,
8, T9 £); HI. 8, 228, Ep. Carn. 8, 166; IL. 9, pl. 2;
the last inseription and the Inst but two areolder than
the 11th. century.

652. B. ESIP. pl. 18.

858. Caldwell, Coren pee Grammar of the Dravidian
Languages, 21-37.

854. Differently Burnell, ESIP. 44, 47 f., who
considers the Vatteluttu oa independent of the Brahmi,
but likewiea of Semitic origin, and declares the Tamil
alphabet to be the reanlt of a Brahmanical adaptation of
the Grantha letters to thea phonetical system of the

Vatteluttu. This view bas alresdy been characterised |

“as hardly in accordance with the facta” by Caldwell,
op. ci., 9.

855, SIT. 1,147; of. 2, pl. 12; the characters of tho
Vallam OQave inscription, op. cif., 2, pl. 10, fully agree.

B56. SIT. 2, pls. 14, 15.

B57. Of. the facsimilos of 10th. and 1ith.- centuries
at El. 8,984, SID. 2, pls. 2-4; of the 15th. century at |
SII. 9, pl.&; uncertain ot SIL 2, pl. 8; LA. 6, 142;
alphabet, B. ESIP. pls. 19, 19.

B55. Of, Veikayya, EI 8, 278 ff.

859. Madras Jowrn at. Soc, 18,2,1; LA. 8, 886;
B.ESIP. pl. 62 a; EI. 8, 72; alphabet, IA. 1. 229 ;
B. ESIP. pl 17.

B60, TA. 20, 292.

B61. IA. 1, 229; 5. ech 49 ; disputed by Hultzsch,

TA. 20, 269.

baa. EL. B, 67.

266. Cf. above, § 25, note 270,

G64. Cf. E. 0. Bayley, The Genealogy of the Modern
Numerals, J. ASB (n. 6.), 14, 885 fF. ; 15, 1 if.

865. ‘The signs of col. XIV have been drawn according
to S. NEI, 8, pl. 1 (JA. 1690, 1, pl. 15); J.ASB. 68, pl.
10, Fleet's photograph of the Taxila copperplate (EI.
4, 56); and a gelatine copy of the Wardak vase, kindly
presented by Oldenberg. :

£66. J. RAS. 20, 228.

B67. Thus Cunningham, Senart, op. cil., 17, reads
84, doubting the existence of 200 (which, however, is
plain in the autotype of J-ASB. 58, pl. 10), whilo Barth

reads 264. There is at least one ‘nopublished inscription |

with 200, and, according to a communication from Bloch,
also one with 800,
868 Drawn sccording to Burgess’ impression of
Shibbiizgarhi ediets I-III, xi.
869, B. ESIP, 64; J. ABB 82, 150,
870, Nabaidische Inschriflen, 96 f.

133

871. Cerp. Inser. Sem. P. Aran, 145 ‘A (pointed ont
by Euting).

872, Palaeograp ical Sociely, Or. Ser., pl. 68.

878. CE Bhagvinlil, IA. 6, 49%. 7 B. ESIP. 59 #.,
and ph. 98, B.C. Bayley, On the Genealogy of the Modern

Numerals, J. ASB (n. s.}, 14; 885 ff. ; 16,171.

| $874. J. BBRAS. 5, 85; and pl. 18; P. 1A. 2,-60ff ;
(0. ASR. 1, XLIT, and J! ASB. 88, 88} J. BBRAS. 8, 225
ff.: the resulte of the lust ‘article belong chiefly to
Bhagvinlal Indraji, though his name is not mentioned.

875. Cf. below, §84, B.. The latest. epigraphic date
in letter-numerals is probably the Novir year 259 in
Bendall'’s Journey in Nepal, 61, No. 6; of. aloo F. GI
(OIL, 8), 209, note 1.

876, Sea Hotrnle, The Bower MS. ; WZEM, 7,260 ff.
The Bower MS. occasionally has the decimal 8.

877. Cf. Bhagvaniil’s table, IA. G6, 42 f.; Kielborn,
Report on the Search for Sanskril ‘MSS., 1850-81, VTL
ff. ; Peterson, First Repor', 57 f., and Third Report, App.
& aa ; Lenumann, gitnaku’s Commentary on tha
Weavatyaka’ (especially table Bi) ; opie and Hgge-

me Cat, Sanskr, Buddhist MSS., 92 (J-RAS. 1875) ;
Bendall, Caf. Cambridg Sanskrit Buddhist M35, LIT, ff,
and table of numerals. In Bandall's Nos, 1049 and 1161,
the letter-noumorals are alse used for dates. Tho Istest
date in letter-numerals from Nepil (Bendall’s table of
numerals) is A.D. 1588.‘ Letter-numerala are usually
only found in Jaina palm-leaf MSS. up to about A. D.
1450; but the Berlin paper MS. No. 1709( Weter Voraei-
cinise d. Skt. und Prak, Hdachrfi., 9, 1,268 ; of. D. WA.
BT, 250) shows some traces af them.

878. Bendall, J.RAS. 1896, 799 #.

B79. Cf. J-RAS. 1839, 128.

650. IA, 6, 44; Kielhorn, Report for 1550-51, X;
Peterson, Firat Report, 67.

881. Kielhorn, loo. cit. ; Bendall, Catalogue, LIT, ,

882, Of. facsimile in El. 8. 183 and-see the Additions
and Corrections of that volume; the signs have been
given in pl. IX, col. XV, under 2, 8, 8 6, 100 a. For
other cases of mixtures, see F.GI (CIS), 292, and 1A.
14, B51, mhnre tho diate ia, howerer, GOV ¢ Se" O50.

858. Oral information.

a4. a. 6, 47.

BSS. Preperation of Plate IX, A. Cols, XIX-XXVI :—

mole's The Bower

— = 5 ie

table of Numerals, Nos. 1049, 1702, 865, 1618, 1088,

134

Col. XXTV ; drawn sceording to the tables of Bhag-
vinlil, Kielhorn, and Leumann.

Col. AXV: drawn from the same sources; but &, 9,
100 ara cuttings from Zacharine'’s photograph of the
Bibasit kacarita of the Royal Asiatic Society.

886. For this pha, of. plate VI, 86, V.

B57. Common also in the Bower MS. Peterson's
gha is due to » misreading of the. old tha,

558, Peterson's rghu is a misreading.

B89. Preparation of Plate EX, A, Cols. -XVIST ¢—

Col. I: the 4, cutking from Burgees's facsimile of the
Kiijsi edict XT, El. 2, 465, the 6, 60, 200 drawn accor-

ding to facsimiles of the Sihsirim and Ripnilth edicts, —

TA. 6, 165 ff.
Gol, IT: cuttings from facsimile of the Siddipura
edict, EI. 8, 188,

Col. TT; outtings from facsimiles of Ninighit
inscriptions, B. ASRWI. 5, pl. 51,

Col. IV: cuttings from facsimiles of Nisik inserip-
tions, B. ASEWL. 4, pl. 63, Nos. 6, 9, 18, 19; pl. 58,
Now. 12-14: the 70 drawn according to the Girnir
Prasasti, B. ASR WI. 2, pl. 14.

Gol. Vi: drawn according to the
Egatrapa coina, J. RAS. 1890, pl. at 689.

Cols, VI, VIL; cuttings from facsimiles at EI. 1,
631. ; 2, 201 ff.

Col. VOI: cuttings from facsimiles at B.ASRSI, 1,
pl. 62, and EL. 1, 2 ff.

Cols. IX, X : cuttings from facsimiles at F. GI[CII.8),
Now 9, 8, 5,7 9, 11, 19, 28, 96, 69, 63, 70, T1.

Col, XI: enttings from fsecsimiles at F.GI (CII, 8),
Nos. 68, 69; IA. 6,9 &., and other Valobhi inscriptions.

Gol. XII: drawn according to facsimile at J.BBRAS. |
16, 108.

Cols. XITI, XIV: drawn according to facsimiles at
TA. 9, 164 ff.

Col. XV: drawn socording to facsimiles ot IA, 18,
190 #, ; EL. 6, 127 ff.

Col. XVI: cuttings from facsimiles at F.GI (OT. 8),
Nos. 40, 41, 65, 66, &1,

113, 141,

Ool. XVIIL: drawn according to facaimile at J.ASB.
40, pl. 2.

Cuttings reduced by one-third.
890. Probably to be read thus: not aga modification
of phra or pling

693. Earliest instance in the inscription of
Mahiniman, F.GII (CI1.8), No. T1 ; 200 in col. X.

698. Cf, also the date of the Gujardit Calukya inserip-
tion, Serenth Oriental Congress, Arpan Section, 211 H, ;

| and tho facsimile at J.BBRAS. 16,1 ff. sod the Valabhi

form of ET. 8, 820, 1, 14, where a da of the period
mutilated on the left is used; and the date of the

| Kota inscription IA. 14, 851, witha distinct éa of the

Sth. century. The form sw occurs in a Western inscrip.
tion lately found at Udepur by G. H. Ojha, in the
numeral sf-u of sa-a, =800.

Bo4. IA, 6, 148,

$95. B.ESIP. 65, Note 1.

696. Of, Hoernle’s explanation, Serenth Oriental
Congress, Aryan Section, 182; IA. 17, 85.

S97. IA. 17, 86,

888. Visoradatta (ed F. E. Hall), p. 192.

699. Of. facsimiles at ET. 9, 19 ff.; and see F.GI
(OIL 8), 209, note 1,

400. The apparent difference in 6 is duc to a fault of
the impression.

401. Preparation of Plate IX, B, Cola, I0I-XIIT ( for

facsimiles of | | Pte eee Ke al] hand drawn :—

Col. IIT: from facsimiles of Ristraki{a inscriptions
at Kan beri, Nos, 15, 48 A. B.

Col, IV: from facsimiles of Ristrakita copper-plate
from Torkhede, El, 6, 56,

Col. V: the 8 and 6 from an impression of the
Haddila copyer-plate (IA, 12, 190); the 4, 7, 9, Ofrom
facsimile of the Asni inscription, LA. 16,174, the f and
§ from facsimile of the Morbi copper-plate, IA, 2, 257,

Col. VI: from facsimile of the Sivantvidi copper-
plate, TA. 12, 966 6.

Col. VIL: from facsimilo of the Calukya copper-
plate, TA. 12, 202.

Col VIII: the 1, 8, 5, from the Gaya inscription, IA.
10, $42 ; the 5 from CMG plates 25, A.

Cols. IX, X: Hoernle’s Bakhshili figuros,

Cola. XI, XII: from Eendall’s table of numeral in
Cat, Cambridge Sanakr. Buddhist MSS,

Col. XIII : from B. ESIP. pl. 28, Telugu and Eanaresa
numerals, ith. century.

402, W. I5. 8, 166 f,

408. The abbreviations mark the sources from which
the words have been collected as follows :—

Bakh.—the Bakhshali MS., Hoernie, 180,

Ber.—Beruni’s India, Sachau, 1, 178.

Bro.—O. P. Brown's list, as quoted by Burnell, ESIP.

691. Thus Bayley doubtfully ; for the i of the sign | 774,

in IV, B, of. no, pl. IIT, 95, 6.

Bur.—Burmell's additions, ESIP. 77 {.

J70,—The Jyotiza, Weber's edition, 6,
Ping.—Pingala, Weber, Indische Studien, §, 167 f.

Var.—Varihamihira's Poficasiddhantika, ‘'Thibant's |

A few other instances are given from manuscripts
and ingoriptiona.

The numerous synonyms, being unnecessary for |

Sanskritists, have been mostly omitted: but such
omissions have been indicated by an “dko"’,

404,
the Abacus'’, or be an

above § &4, B).

405. See Paficasiddhintiki, 8, 6. This is equivalent |

to agni, because Agni is the Hoty-priest of the gods.

406. Bee BRW. sub hac vore.

407. Yudhigthim, Bhima and Arjuna (Cartellieri).

408. Thus BRW. eub hao voce; possibly irfa may
stand for kriadiyuga,

409. Rima, Laksmana, &e.

410. See Apte, Sanskrif-Dictionary, sub bac voce.

411, Of. EI. 1, 834, line 48.

413. Of. asfamangala,

418, Sten Konow, Deulsche Litt, Inf., 1897.

414. Cf. FP. E. Hall, Visnupurina, 8, 192,

415. SH. WA, 126, 5, 58,

416.
Mahabharata, T, 65-T1 (Cartellieri),

417, Probably a mistake for prakrti, o metre with |
twenty-one syllables in the Pada,

415. According to Burnell, in some modern insorip-
tions the word-numerals are placed in the nenal order of

the decimal figures,

419, A. Barth, Insers,, Sansk. du Cambodge, No.5 ff.
Borgaigne-Barth, Inscrs, Sonsk. de Campa ef du
Cambodga, No, 22 ff.

420, TA. 21,48, No. 2,

421. TA. 13, 11; declared to be svepicions byFlect,
Kanarese Dynasties, Bombay Gaselleer, i. ii, 899, note 7.

493. ZDMG. 40, 42, verso 25; pointed ont by

428, IA. 7, 18,

434. Kielhdrn, Report, 1980-81, No. 65; Peterson,

Siinya may either mean “the empty place on |
abbreviation of éTnyabindn (see | 81

Described in the golaserijakiya-parran of tho

135

ef. the facsimiles in B. ASRWI. vols. 4dand 5; B. ASRSTI.
| rol. IT; EL. 3, 195 ff. ; and others.

60. W2EM. 5. 280 f.; add a Intely discovered
Eharosth! inscription from Swit.

431, J.EAS. 1889, pl. 1; Num. Chron, 1898, pls.
6.10,

452, Thus in the pillar-edicts (excepting Allahabad)
and in Kile? edicts I-XT (see facsimiles EI. 2, 624) and
in Nigliva and Poderia,

458. Of., o.g., facsimiles, F. GI (CIT. 8), No. 50, pl.
B, Ajanta No. 4; Ghatotkaca Inscription ; &c.

484. Cl, o.g., {scsimiles, PF. GI (CII. 8), Mos. 1, 2, 6,
pl. 4 A, and 10 pl. 6.

485. Of., e.g., facsimiles, FP. GI (CII 8). Nos. 6, pl.
4A, and 16, pl. 9 A.

466, Of B. ESIP, 83, § 8,

487. Cf. facsimiles in Oldenberg’s Predvaritelni
aimypétkago Buddhiiskei rukopisi, napisannai pismenami
Kharosthi, St. Petersburg, 1897.

| ie Kiilsi edicts XII, XIII, 1; Saiheiirim.
| Bee, eg, facsimile, F. GI (CI. 8), No, 91,
i cae 16,

440,
pl. 44.

441,

449,

446,

| Tine 85.

444,
13 A,

445.

| 446.

Bee, e.g., facsimile, F, GI (OT. 8), No. £0,

See the same facsimile,
Bes, o.¢:, facsimile, F. GI (OU. 8), Mo. 49, pl.28,
Seo, o.g., facsimile, F, GI (CI1.8), No. 88, pl. 24,

See, o.g., facsimile, F. GI (CII. 8), No, 19, pl.

Seo, o.g., facsimile in TA, 19, 92; 18,218,
Geo, «.g., facsimiles, Amarivati, No, 28; IA.
' 6, 28, 1. 9 (Rakusthavarman's copper-plate),
447. See, o.¢., facsimile, F. GI (CII. 8), No. 17, pl. 10.
448, Seo, e.g., facsimiles F, GI (CU. 8), No, 17, pl.
10, and 18, pl. 11,
449. See, e. g., faceimiles FP, GI (CIT, 8), No. 96, pl.

| 16, 1, 24; No. BB, pl. 21B, 1, 9.

450. See, o.g., facsimile F, GI (CI. 8}, No. 17, pl.
10. 1. 82, 1. 88; No. 65, pl. 23, last line; Bower MSS.,

passim,
451. See, e¢., facsimile, Nepil ‘poral a No, 4, TA.

Thisd Report, App. I, Nos. 181. 6, 251, 958, 256, 970, do, | 9 168, Inst Tine.

£25. Of. B. ESIP. 79, W. IS. 8,160; I4. 4, 207.
496. IA. 21, 49f., No. 4.

427. 3B. ESIP. 60.

428, Of Gurupijakaunudi, 110.

452, See, o.g¢., fncaimile, IA. 9, 100, last line,

456. See, Lo er facsimiles, TA. 12, 308, I. 1 H 18, 68,
454. See facsimile, ET, 8, 126, last line.

455. Seo, ¢.g., facsimile, IA. 7, 79,

499, Thus already in most of the inscriptions from 456. Inthe Ninighit inscription, BASRWT. 5, pl.

the western caves, and at Amarivsti, Mathuri, dtc. ;

(61, line 6, after rano,

136

457. See, e.g, facsimiles Nasik, No, 11 A, B, after
sidham and siddhia ; F GI(CIL.8), No. 1 (end) ;- Nos. 8,
pl. 2B, 9, pl 4 D, and 10, pl. 5.

458, See, o. g., facsimiles, EI. 1, 889, No. 14; F,.. GI

81: Riijendralil Mitra, Notices of Sansk, MSS., 8, ple 1;
ef. aleo B. ESTP. 83, § 4.

' 474. Cf. BESIP. 68, § 6.

475. IA.7, 251 (No, 47): 18, 84, mote 28; ET. 8, 41,

(CIT. 8), Nos. 3, pl. 2 B, 40, pl. 26, 41, pl 27, and 55, pl. | notes,

_ B44; 14. 6,17 (alter Gdadita)

459. EI. 1, 895, Nos. 98, 29 (after danam): F. GI
(CIT. 8), No. 85, pl. 24, 1.85; No. 55, pl. 84 (end), TA.
6, 209 fend); in these and other cases the sign has been
wrongly read as a Visarga.

460, See, e. g., facsimiles, IA. 6, 76; EI. 8, 960.

461 ET. 2, 212, No, 42, and note.

462. Gee, ce, g., facsimiles, TA. 6,68; 7,168; 8, 28,
10, 69-64, 164-171. |

465. See the facsimile of the separate edicts of
Jangada.

464 Seo, o. g., facsimiles of the Sohgaura plate , of |

Bhaji Noe. 2, 8,7; of Kuga Noa. 1, 6, 11, 15, 16, 20, 22,
24, 25; of Mahid ; of Bede No, 8; of Karle Noa. 1-8,
5, 20, of Junnar Nos, 2-15, 17,19; of Niisik Nos, 1,11
A, B, 14, 21, 24; of Kanheri Nos. 2,12, 18, El. 2, 868,
Btups I, No. £58; and Bhagvinlil, Sizth Oriental
Congress, 8, 2, 186 it. .

465.
symbols, Boo Bhigwinilal, loo. cit. ; and EI. 2, 819 ff.

466, Niisik No, 6.

#67,
9, pl. 1 ff. ; incsimiles, IA. 6, 17; 09, 168, No.4; 17,
B10; 19, 58; ED. 1, 10 ff. In the Siyadoni inseription,
EL 1, 178 ff., Vigno's Kaustubhs seems to be used
repeatedly ; cf EI, 9,194,

465. Of, o. g.. fncaimiles, F. GI (CIE: 8), No. Ti
(end) ; IA. 6, 67, pl. 2, Hine 1 {wrongly read on 20), IA.
6,199, pl. 4, lino 10; EI. 1,77 (end), 8, 978, line 89;
8, 806, Veriwal image ineeription (end).

460. Bee, e. g , facsimiles, F. GI (CTI.8), Noa. 11, pl.
6 A (aleo note 197), 20, pl. 12 B, 26, pl. 16, &¢; IA. 6,
£2 (five times) ; EI. 8, 62 (end):
pl. 1; of. aleo Berunf, India, 1, 178 (Sachan).

470. IA. 9, 168 ff.

471, Thus, the wish for the duration of the grant is
expressed by representations of the sun and the moon.

inscriptions’, facsimile at p.101, and Kielhorn's remarks,
EL 8, 807 ; coats of arms are found in facsimiles of ITA.
6, 49 ff, 1092; EI. 6, i.

478, See,c. g.. Weber, Verreichn. d. Berlin Sansk.
und Prak. Hdsehrifien, 2, 8, pl. 9;- Fifth « Oriental

Congress, 2,2, 189 1f,, pl.2; Pal, Soc,, Or, Ser., pls, 18,

On the non-sectarian national character of these |

5aa, €,. B-s The Bower M5., pt. 1, pls. B, 5; pt. |

The Bower MS,, pt. 1, |

476. See, e. g., Kale] edict XT, 9, line 11: thus
also Jater, eee, o. g., facsimile at EL 8, 814, line 6,

477. Eee; « g., Isceimiles, ET. 8, 5, pl 2, line 1 :
EI. 8, 276, line 11,

478 Facsimile, IA. 6, 82, pl. 8,

479 ‘Apastamba Dharmasiitra, 2.2 (10).

480. Ot. ¢. g:, LA. 6, 19, note, line BB : 90, note, line

| 11: very common in Kashmir M53,

481. iA. 14,196, of. Fleet EI. 8 829 ; and Kielhorn,

| EL 4, 244, note 7.

459. According to a letter from Eielhorn.

489, IA. 7, 78, pl. 9, line 20; 19, <4, lines 87, 40;
16, 840, line 57.

424. Bee, o. g., LA. 6, 104 ff; No.4 fy BI. 1, 817,
line 9,

455, Of. 8. P. Pandit, Milavikignimitra, ii, 5, who,
a8 aleo Burnell, makes di* tha stand for dightha ; see also
Pischel, Nachr, Galt. Gel. Ges., 1878, 206,

486. On an apparent exception, seo WZKM. 7,261.

487. Of. ¢. g., B. ESIP. pl. 24: facsimiles at EI. 1,
1 ff. ; 9, 156, 00.

48 . Jolly, Recht und Sitte, Grundrias, IT, 8, 114.

489. See,e.g., the collections of seals in plates at
B. ESIP. 106, and EI. 8, 104; 4, 944: goa also F. GI
(CII.S), pls. 50, 99, 35, 87; 43.

490. Of. B.ESIP, 84093; Eiijendralil Mitra, in
Gough's Papers relating fo the Collection and Preserva-
tion of Ancient Sanskrit MSS., p. 15 #.: Fuhrer,
Letlschrift f. Bibliothekswesen, 1, 429 {f., 9,41 ff,

49). BRW., sub voce bAgria.

#02. India, 1,171 Sachau): the description seems
to fit the Kharog{hi Dhammapads from Khotan.

493. Kashmir Report, J. BBRAS. 19, App., 20 if.

494. Biijendralal Mitra, eae 8 Papers, 17; Kashmir
Report, 29, note 2.

495. J. ASB 66. 925 fif.: {aosimiles in ee an

| Bower MS. ; WZEM. 5, 104.
472. Bee, o. g, BASRWI, No, 10.. "“Cave-temple

496. J. Jolly, Recht und Sitte, Grondriea, It, & 114:
| Nilsik ineeription, No. 11, A, B, in B AERWI. 4, 104 f.

iat Nasik inseription No.7, lins 4, in B. ASRWL
J8. B. ESTP. &7, note 9, ’

499. Dadakum@racarita, Uechvilsa 9, towards the
500. B, IS. 111.9, 7 #,190, as

137
601, Siynki, 9, 225 (Beal). 534. Fifth Repor!, 129, 195.
502. J. ASB. 66, 225 ff. 585. W2ZEM, 7, 261; J. ASB. 66,210ff., 258 f.
508. Life of Hinen Txiang, 117 (Beal), 596. BRW. snd BW., sab voce mai.
504. Seo Réijendralil Mitra, in Gough's Papers, 687. Indian preecriptionsa for preparing ink are found
p- 17. in Réjendralal Mitra’s notes, Gough's Papers, &e., 181 ;

505. Bee Gough's Papers, 102, and the measurements Kashmir Report, 80.

in Kielhorn's Report for 1880-81, and Peterson’s Third 588. See, eg., Vosmvadaliz, 187 (Hall) ; Hargacariia,

esa 05,

506. E.ESIP. &6. | $89. Bee now also Zacharine, Nachrichten Git, Ges,
507. Riajendralil] Mitra, Gough's Papers, 102. Wias., 1996, 265 ff.
605, B. ESIP. 87: further researches in Southern 640, BRW. sub hao roce.

India will probably show that older MSS. exist. Bil. Manda and nandz, ‘water-vessel’ (cf. also
509, Vaseradatiz, 250 (Hal). nandika, nindi, ‘well', and windipafa, ‘cover of a well)."
510. B ESIP. ‘9, 93, Rijendrali] Mitra, Gough's | 5 derived from nandayali, ond mandayali, “to cau to

rejoice, to refresh’.
Reports oon Vernacular Education, 20, 98 9, B. Is. Ir, 2, 61 f., 6.

(ed. Tong). hs. BH. ASRWI, 4, pl. 59.

612. Introdrection to Kaccoyana, XXVIII. 54. See, eg., the facsimiles in Rijendralil Mitee's 4
618. J. Pali Text Soc., 1883, 135 f. Notices of Sanakrif MSS., 8, pl. 1.

514. B. IS. IIL 2, 108. 645, Homidri, Dinakhands, 619 ff.

515. B. ESIP. 90, 93. 546. D’ Alwis, Infrod. to Kaccityana, XVII; Jiiake
616. ©. ASR. 2, 129, pl. 69. No. 509 (4, 489), pointed out by Oldenberg.

617. B. ESTP. 87; Rea, Arch. Survey of Indis, New 547. See BRW. and BW., sub hac voce.

Imperial Series, No, 15, p. 13, and pl. 6, No. 22; J. Pali 48. See BRW. and BW., sub hac voce,

Text Soc., 1885, p. 124 ff. §49. See Mabedvara on Amarakoja, p. 246, verse 6B
618. Siyuki (Beal), 1, xxxviii. , (Bo. Gov. ed.).
519. See B ESIP, 86, 550, See BRW. and BW., sub hao vooe,
520. M.M, FV 1,17. 651, This is the ease in all the parts of India known
521. J.Pali Teri Soc., 1898S, 136 ff, | to me + ef. also Rijendralil Mitra in Gough's Papers, 18.
529. The Taxila plate weighs 8j ounces and was 552, <Anecdota Oxoniensia, Ar. Series, 1, 8, 66.

found bent double ; the Alina plates of Suaditye VE. of | 588 Bertani, India, 1, 171, (Gechan).

Valabhi weigh together 17 pounds, 33 ounces, see F. GI | Sid. Of. Hargacarita, 05, where the sfilraresfanam of

(CIES), 172. But there are still heavicr plates, B.EsTP, | * *'5-* mentioned.

92, where however the historical notes require correction. | b65.- Ct. the cpanel: on donations of MSs.-in inserip-
405. B. ESIP. 99; cf, the facsimiles at ELS, 26, | tions : ag, Inscriptions du Cambodge, 90, 81; Hultesch,

88, do. GIT. 1, 164.

624 The Kaéiktdi grant (fth. century) is written on 656. Of. the remark in a Valabhi inscription of A. D.
eleven plates, the Hirahadagalli grant (4th. century', EL 665 (LA. 7, OT) regarding » donation in order to enable
1, 1 ff., on eight. the monks of the Bauddha monasiery of Duddii to buy

525. fee F. GI (CII. 3', 65, note 6. | MSS. (pustakopakraya) of the Saddharma,

598, Harsacarila, 227 (Niroayasdgar Press ed.). | 687, Hemidri, Dinakhanda, 644 tf.
597. F. GI (CT. 8), 199. 558. Of. D. Leben dea J. M. Hemacandra D. WA.

598, See the list, J. Pali Text Soe,, 1888, 184 ff. 188, 981.

620, JA, 20, 201 ff.—(Now edited by Kiolhorn in 569, Kamasuira, 804, note 4 (ed. Durgiiprasid).
Gittinger Festschrift, 1901.). 560. Wirts, die wail. Ree. des Ramiyana, 17 f.

590, 0. ASR. 1,97; 5, 102. ‘661. Nirnsysiigar od., 95.

531. Proc. ASB. 1896, 99 ff. 569, B. ESIP., 66.

582, Gough's Papers, 16. 668. Cf. Rijendralél Mitra, in Gough's Papers, 21.

588. Bee my Catalogue of MSS. from Gujarat, ke, 64, Of. Stein's translation of the Hijatarangini,
1,358, No, 147. | ¥, 249, B9T, and nobes,

18

B. 18, IIL. 2,8: Fausboll, Jitaka, 2, 178 f.
B. ESIP., &9.
Harvacarita, 68, 167.
EI. 2, 869, 872.

569. Of, eg., the Pallava grant, EL. 1, 1 #. (end) ;
F. GI (CII. 8), No. 19 (end), No. 60 (end), and Fleet's
remarks in the Index under lekhaka.

870. Kashmir Report, 883; BRajendralil Mitra, in |

Gough's Papers, 22; Eielhorn’s and Peterson's Reports
on the Search for Sanskrit MSS., passim ; and Bendall’s
Catalogue of Sanskrit Buddhist MSS. from Nepal, passim.

571. Bee, og., Amarakoga, 188, vores 15 ; Bo. Gor. od.

572. Hall's od., 289,

578. ET. 9, 10%.

574. ¥. GI (OTL. 8), 122, line T.

675. IA. 6, 10, |

576, Colebrooke, ~Essays, 2, 161, 169 (Cowell) ;
regarding the Kiyastha-prabhus in Bombay, see Bombay
Gasetieer, 18, 1, 87 ff.

B77. TA. 19, 66: later the Efiyasthas oocur very often

in Gujarit, IA. 6, 192, No. 1 ff., and in Ralings, EI —

B, 224,

578. Yajiavalkya, 1, 72; Vaijayanti, 78, 17: 187,
98: ef. BRW. under karana, 6 6.

579. Of. 6.84 EL 1, Bl, 129, 166 a TA. 16, 176 i
18, 12.

580. Harzacarifa, 227 (Nirneyasigar ed.); TA. 12, 121.

581, TA, 20, 815.

582. A. 16, 308.

p88. Cf. the compound karagakayastha, LA. 17, 18 ;
Bendall, Caf. Sansk, Buddh, MS55,, 70, No. 1864.

5a4. B.ASRWI. 4, 79 LL; B. IS. IL @, 40, note;
TA. 12, 199.

685. Cf, eg., EL 1, 45, author Ratnagimha ; copyist.
Kgatriya-Kumiirapila ; stone-mason, riipakira Bimpala :
EL 1, 49: suthor Devagana; writer and mason as

above: EI, 1, §1; author, Nehila; copyist, Kuranike
| | Gauds Takgiditya ; mason, Gomaniiths, tafikavijiidnsdilin,
“expert in the art of incising (letters)"": also, analogous
| remarks in EL 1, 129, 189, 211, 279, ote
566. This ia stated by the poet Kubja in Rine's
| unpublished TAjgund Pradasti(now edited by Rice,
EC. 7, Sk., 176, snd by Kielhorn, EL. 6, 81); and by
Divikarapandita in the Afijaneri inscription, LA. 12, 127.
| S87. Of. TA. 11, 108, 107 ; IV, 140.

565, IA, 19,245; J. BERAS. 18, 4.

«4589, ELL. 8, 158, 250, where it is said that the fragti
| Virundscirya wrote the grants of Acyutariya and
| Venkatariya, sa well as that of Sadisivariiya dated A. D.
| 1556,

| 890, Rajatarangint, V. 897 £. (Btein).
591, EI. 4,170; LA. 17, 297, 980. 286.
| goa, IA. 15, 860.
598, EI. 8, 814; IA. 18, 17.
| . TA. 17, 284.
| 595, IA. 16, 208; the lohakira Kuke is likewise

| called vinagl, ie. rijianika, IA. 17, 260.
| 696. IA, 18, 128; 18, 145; EI. 8, 19, 918, and the -
| correction of the translation (p. 21) at the end of the
| volume-

597. Baines, Imperial Census Report, 2, 38, where
he Aksiiles of Madras are mentioned. They are found,
however, also in the Kanarese districts of the Bombay
Presidency.

593. Ehindirkar, Report on the Search for Sanskrit
MSS., 1652-68,88; Kashmir Report, 15: Regarding
lotter-writera sea olso Rajendrali] Mitra, in Gough's
Papers, 16,188, and Burnell, in ESIP, 89.

Fleet’s Remarks on the Text and the Notes.

P. 42, lino 2: EKaldawa seems to be o mistake for Kaldarra (WZEM. 10,
627) or Kaladara Nadi (J. RAS. 1908, 14).

P. 42, line 16 : da seams to ba a mistake (of the original) for dha.

Note 142 and p. 61,' § 20, A; for another reproduction of the Girniir
Prasasti or Junigadh inseription, of the timeof Rudradiman, which ia the
basis Of oo}. VI. of Plate ITT, see, now, EL 5, 44.

P. 59, line 15 from the bottom : regarding the words ‘‘or of the 4th. century
of the Selencid era", see Introductory Note, p. 10, note 2.

Note 286: for another reproduction of the Vakkaleri plates of A. D. 757,
which are the basis of col. XVL of Plate VIL. see now EI. 5, 202,

Mote 810 (end); Sea now Ep. Carn. 7, Sk. 175, for one reproduction of
this record and EL §, 82, for another,

P. 88, line 20: it may be remarked that original identification of Kaliiga-
nogara with Kaliigapattanam (Kaliigepatam), on the coast, hag heen
superseded ; the ancient city -is represented by the site now covered by
the villages Mukhaliigam and Nagarnakatakam and the ruins between them,
inland in the Gafijim district ; see, e.g., EI. 4, 187 f.

P, 101 line 18 ; the German original (p. 77, line 85) has “50, 60, TO":
in hia English MS. Professor Bihler wrote, “50, 60, 70", and then corrected
the 50 into 10,

P. 106, line 15; it may be remarked that this system of numeral notation
is commonly called the Katapayidi system, from the initia] consonants of
the four lines.

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